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. D. Bell 








Vol. I. Before the Middle Ages 
Vol. n. During the Middle Ages and 

the Transition to Modern 

Vol. in. In Moddm Times 









"Ntfai |90rft 


All rights reserved 


Set up and electrotyped. Published September, 1910. 


J. 8. Gushing Co. Berwick & Smith Co. 
Norwood, Mass., U.8.A. 





tive is, because of the growing complexity of the times 
under consideration, necessarily less connected than 
in my work upon ancient education, such an historical 
setting may tend to acquit me of the charge of peda- 
gogical aeroplaning. At any rate, a life-line of general 
history is sadly needed by the average student of edu- 

In making this work accurate, I have received aid 
from several quarters. I am much indebted to my 
colleagues, Professors E. H. McNeal and Clarence 
Perkins, for the pains they have expended in checking 
up the descriptions of an historical layman, and to my 
former colleague, Professor J. H. Coursault, of the 
University of Missouri, for his frank but kindly criticism 
of the educational facts in the book and of my method 
of presenting them. I owe an even larger debt to my 
colleague, Professor A. E. Davies, who has throughout 
the preparation of this treatise been ever at my service 
as a critic and guide, and has found time in a very busy 
life to make many suggestions and improvements. 

F. P. G. 
JULY i, 1910. 






The Middle Ages as a Period of Assimilation. The 
Middle Ages as a Period of Repression. 



Rise and History of Monasticism. The Rule of Bene- 
dict. The Libraries, Multiplication of Manuscripts, and 
Original Writings of the Monasteries. Organization of the 
Monastic Education. The Three Ideals of the Monastic 
Education. The Monastic Course of Study and the Seven 
Liberal Arts. The Methods of Teaching and the Texts 
Used in the Monastic Schools. How Monasticism Affected 
the Middle Ages and Civilization in General. 



Rise of the Franks and the Empire of Charlemagne. 
Charlemagne's Improvements in Administration. Charle- 
magne's Efforts to Improve Learning. Alcuin and the 
Palace School. Educational Improvement in the Monastic 
and Other Schools. The Course of Study and the Or- 
ganization in the Schools. The School of Alcuin at the 
Monastery of Tours. Rabanus Maurus and Other Pupils 
of Alcuin. 






Alfred's Desire to Extend and Improve Education. The 
Establishment of Schools and the Importation of Edu- 
cators. Alfred's Personal Assistance to Learning and 
Education. Significance of Alfred's Educational Work. 



The Rise of Moslemism and Its Absorption of Greek 
Culture. The Brothers of Sincerity and Their Scheme 
of Higher Education. The Moorish Colleges. Elemen- 
tary Education. Stimulating Effect upon Europe of the 
Moslem Education. 



The Nature and Rise of Christian Mysticism. The Edu- 
cation in Mediaeval Mysticism. The Development of 
Mysticism. The Character of Scholasticism. The His- 
tory of Scholastic Development. The Tendency of 
Scholasticism. Its Educational Organization and Content. 
The Method of Presentation. Scholasticism and Its In- 
fluence. The Relations of Mysticism and Scholasticism 
to Education. 



The Origin of Feudalism. Chivalry and Its Develop- 
ment. The Ideals of Chivalric Education. The Three 
Stages of Education Preparatory to Knighthood. Knight- 
hood. Training of Women. The Effects of Chivalric 





The Purpose of the Friars. Their Organization and 
Methods. Their Influence upon Education and Progress. 



General Causes of the Rise of Universities. The His- 
tory and Purpose of the Universities. Privileges Granted 
to Universities. Organization of the Universities. The 
Courses of Study. The Methods of Study. Degrees. 
The Value of the University Education and Its Effect 
upon Civilization. 



The Rise of Commerce and Cities. The Gild, Burgher, 
and Chantry Schools. 



The Growth of National Spirit. The Development of 
Vernacular Literature. Mediaeval Art. Summary of the 
Middle Ages. 




The General Tendencies of the Renaissance. The 
Renaissance and the Revival of Learning. Humanism 
and the Humanists. 





Causes of the Awakening in Italy. Petrarch and His 
Influence. The Development of Greek Scholarship. 
Chrysoloras and His Pupils. The City Tyrants as Hu- 
manists. The Court School at Mantua and Vittorino da 
Feltre. The Relation of the Court Schools to the Uni- 
versities. Attitude of the Humanists toward the Church. 
Ideals of the Humanistic Education. The Content, 
Method, and Organization. Decadence of the Italian 
Humanism and the Rise of Ciceronianism. 



The Spread and Character of Humanism in the North- 
ern Countries. The Development in France. Budasus. 
Corderius. College de Guyenne. Classical Studies in 
the German Universities. Groot and the Hieronymian 
Schools. Wessel, Agricola, Reuchlin, and Hegius. Jakob 
Wimpfeling. Erasmus, the Leader in Humanistic Educa- 
tion. The Fiirstenschulen and the Gymnasien. Me- 
lanchthon and His Organization of Schools. Sturm's 
Gymnasium. The Early Humanistic Movement in Eng- 
land. Greek at Oxford. Greek at Cambridge. Human- 
istic Influences at the Court. Elyot's Governour. Vives. 
AschanVs Scholemaster . John Colet and His School at 
St. Paul's. Humanism in the English Grammar Schools. 
Formalism in the Grammar Schools. English Grammar 
and Public Schools To-day. The Grammar Schools of 
America. The Aim of Humanistic Education in the 
North. The Connection of Northern Educational Organ- 
ization with the Reformation. The Course of Study. 
The Formalization of Humanistic Education. 





General Causes of the Reformation. Luther's Revolt. 
Educational Features of Luther's Religious Works. 
Luther's Chief Educational Works. The Civic Aim of 
Education. The Organization of Education by the State. 
Industrial and Academic Training. Religious, Human- 
istic, and Other Content of Education. Rationality in 
Method. Melanchthon, Sturm, Bugenhagen, Trotzen- 
dorf, and Neander. Zwingli's Revolt. Zwingli's Educa- 
tional Foundations and Treatise. Calvin's Revolt. Calvin's 
Encouragement of Education, and the Work of Corderius. 
Spread of Calvinist Education. Knox and the Elemen- 
tary Schools of Scotland. Henry VIII's Revolt. Effect 
upon Education. The Civil and Universal Aim of Protes- 
tant Education. The Foundation of Elementary Schools. 
Effect upon Secondary Schools and Universities. The 
Curricula. The Lapse into Formalism. 


The Council of Trent. Loyola and the Foundation of 
the Society of Jesus. The Constitutiones and the Ratio 
Studiorum. The Lower and Upper Colleges. The Hu- 
manistic Curriculum of the Lower Colleges. The Philo- 
sophical and Theological Courses in the Upper Colleges. 
The Pralectio. Memorizing. Reviews. Emulation. 
Corporal Punishment. Estimate of the Jesuit Schools. 
The Oratorian Schools. The Little Schools of the Port 
Royalists. The Curriculum and Texts. Methods. The 
Closing of the Little Schools. La Salle and the Christian 
Brethren. The Aim, Organization, Curriculum, Method, 
and Results. Catholic Education of Girls. Fe'nelon. 
Religious and Repressive Aim of Catholic Education. 
The Organization of Catholic Schools and Universities. 



The Humanistic and Religious Curricula. The Teachers 
and Methods. Results of Education during the Refor- 



The Relation of Realism to the Renaissance and the 
Reformation. The Nature of Realism. The Earlier 
Realism, Verbal and Social. The Earlier Realists. Rabe- 
lais. The Training of the Whole Man. The Informal 
Method. The Influence of Rabelais. Montaigne. His 
Aim, Means, Subjects, and Method of Education. The 
Effects of Montaigne's Theories. Mulcaster. Natural 
Education. Elementary Education. Higher Training. 
Education of Girls. Improvements in Teaching. Re- 
sults of Mulcaster's Positions. Milton. His Definition 
of Education. His ' Academy.' Early Realism in Locke. 
His Aim, Means, Content, and Method of Education. 
Influence of Locke's Thoughts, The Effect of the Earlier 



The Development of Realism. Bacon and his New 
Method. Solomon's House and the Pansophic Course. 
The Value of Bacon's Method. Ratich's Attempts at 
School Reform. His Extravagant Claims. His Realistic 
Methods. The Educational Influence of Ratich. The 
Education and Earliest Work of Comenius. The Janua 
Linguarum. The Vestibulum, Atrium, Orbis Pictus, and 
Other Janual Works. The Didactica Magna. Pan- 
sophia. The Threefold Aim of Education. Universal 
Education. The Four Periods in the School System. 
The College of Pansophia. Encyclopaedic Course. The 
Mother School. The Vernacular School. The Latin 
School. The University. Method of Nature. Disci- 
pline. Effect of the Comenian Principles upon Education. 
Locke as a Sense Realist. Realistic Tendencies in the 
Elementary Schools. Secondary Schools. Universities. 






Reaction to the Conditions in Church and State. Puri- 
tanism and Its Contributions to Education. Results of 
Puritanism. Rise of the Pietists. Francke. His Insti- 
tutions. Aim, Course, Methods, and Influence. Decline 
of Pietism. Rationalism in England and France. 
Locke's Disciplinary Theory. Effects of Locke's Edu- 
cational Theories. Voltaire and the Encyclopedists. 
The Hardening of the Puritan, Pietistic, and Rationalistic 



The Middle Ages. The Awakening. Preparation for 
Rousseau and the French Revolution. The Modern Spirit. 

INDEX 319 





The Middle Ages as a Period of Assimilation. A 
present-day historian tersely defines the 'problem' of 
Civilization during the Middle Ages as follows : 

" To make out of the barbarized sixth century, stagnant and frag- 
mentary, with little common life, without ideals or enthusiasms, the 
fifteenth century in full possession again of a common world civiliza- 
tion, keen, pushing, and enthusiastic." 1 

According to this interpretation, it was the office of the The Middle 

Middle Ages to enable the rude German hordes, who had ^p^J u " 

everywhere taken possession of the decadent ancient th/Greek, 

world, to rise gradually to such a plane of intelligence Christian*"' 1 

and achievement that they might absorb the civilization elements 

of antiquity and become its carriers to modern times, with the 

T-L. 11 T-* 11-111 German, 

1 hrough the conquest of the Roman world by these bar- 
barian tribes, the four factors which were destined to be 
the most influential in modern civilization the Greek, 
the Roman, the Christian, and the German came to 
meet in the early part of the sixth century and for a 

1 George Burton Adams, op. cit., p. II. 
B I 


and in so 
doing re- 
garded the 
Roman insti- 
tutions as a 
system to be 

time to exist side by side. And it was the mission of the 
succeeding centuries to fuse these divergent elements 
into one organic whole. 

But such a process was necessarily slow. Rome had 
absorbed and combined with her legal and political insti- 
tutions the rich intellectual and aesthetic contributions of 
Greece. Also in becoming Christian she had institu- 
tionalized this religion and given it the form of a legal 
morality. The problem now was the assimilation of this 
culture with that of the German barbarians who had con- 
quered Rome, and the uniting with the Greek, Roman, 
and Christian factors of the freer and more elastic 
institutions of these people. But Rome had been 
greatly sapped of her vitality and strength, and nearly a 
millennium passed before these diverse elements were 

Yet gradual as the movement was, it began almost 
immediately. While still flushed with their victories, 
the rough warriors must have found themselves in the 
presence and under the spell of Roman organization 
and culture. The government, wealth, art, and technical 
skill of ancient Rome were everywhere evidenced in the 
roads, bridges, buildings, and cities that challenged their 
interest and admiration. The concept of a universal 
empire as the only possible civil order had been impressed 
upon the Germans through long contact with it. They 
also found in the organization of the Catholic Church a 
visible enshrinement of this imperial idea, which spoke 
with authority and finality to all nations. Moreover, the 
classic literature and the Graeco-Roman schools were 
still preserved, though in a diluted form, in the Christian 
educational institutions. The barbarians were inevitably 
impressed with a sense of the superiority of Roman 
institutions 1 and civilization, and they began, ofttimes 
unconsciously, to imitate and borrow from what must 
have appeared to them a completed and absolute system, 
divinely sanctioned. 

1 Not only did the Germans hold in mind as a goal of perfection the 
general imperial organization, but they even tried to retain the various 
offices and official titles. 


The Middle Ages as a Period of Repression. Conse- 
quently, the mediaeval period was primarily one not of 
progress, but of absorption. The watchword was author- 
ity and the conformity of the individual to the model 
set, and there was a constant tendency to realize the This resulted 
ideals of life in concrete form. Therein appears both "*anauthori- 

i 11 A T tative stand- 

the weakness and the strength of the Middle Ages. It ard and a 
.was onJy^hjou^ilhe^formation of_therightsocial habit?, ticmofthe" 
or institutions, that the leavening^i the^ barbarians was individual to 
possible, but it was this crystallization through authority, ^"progress 
that made individualism and further ideals difficult.__was almost 

Little^iaiJvance could be made until the social habits 

rrmlj fof. rpgViapprl and new ideals tolerated., A machine uaiism was 

is a most effective and economical instrument, but it ^eratedT 

permits no variation, originality, or advancement over 

the pattern. Hence Rashdall most aptly characterizes 

the situation in the Middle Ages, when he says : 

"Ideals pass into historic forces by embodying themselves in 
institutions. The power of embodying its ideals in institutions was 
the peculiar genius of the mediaeval mind, as its most conspicuous 
defect lay in the corresponding tendency to materialize them." x 

Assimilation and repression are thus the key to the 
Middle Ages, and until the^ bpjidagej^ajit^ 
venjiojn^andjristitiir^ was im- 

possible. But, as will be seen, there grew up within 
mediaevalism itself factors that, with the development 
of intelligence, were destined to lead to individualism and 
advancement. Slowly but surely, the repression was re- 
moved, and modern culture grew out of this fusion of Ger- 
man barbarism with Christianity and classical antiquity. 

1 Universities in the Middle Ages, Vol. I, p. 5. 


The mediae- 
val Church 
the guide, 
through its 

arose as a 
reaction to 
the prevail- 
ing vice of 
Roman so- 


IN all this mediaeval assimilation, it was but natural 
that the Church should stand as the chief guide and 
schoolmaster of the Germanic hosts. Christianity had 
become the authoritative religion of the Roman world, 
and, through the complete organization of the Church 
with the Bishop of Rome as its head, its power became 
practically unlimited. Now while Christian culture and 
education had been greatly influenced by Graeco-Roman 
learning, the Church had become very suspicious of this 
training, and in 529, by the decree of Justinian, had suc- 
ceeded in having the pagan schools closed. This left 
Christian education without a rival, and, although the 
episcopal schools persisted to some extent, it tended to 
find its chief expression in the 'monastic,' or fourth 
type of Christian schools, 1 with their reversion to the 
' otherworldly ' ideal. 

Rise and History of Monasticism. But to under- 
stand the monastic schools, which were so much wider 
and more enduring in range of influence than any Chris- 
tian type which had preceded, it will be necessary to 
examine the movement and institution out of which they 
arose. Monasticism resulted in a time of moral decay 
from the desire of some within the Church for a deeper 
religious life. By the third century Roman society had 
become most corrupt. All hope of self-government had 
gone, class was arrayed against class, and the privileged 
orders reveled in luxury and depravity, while the rank 

1 For a brief account of the schools of Early Christianity, see Graves, 
History of Education before the Middle Ages (New York, 1909), pp. 278- 



and file were poor and oppressed. Religious enthusiasm 
likewise declined. Christianity was no longer confined 
to small extra-social groups meeting secretly, but was 
represented in all walks of society, and mingled with 
the world. It had become thoroughly secularized, and 
even the clergy had in many instances yielded to the 
prevailing worldliness and vice. 1 Under these circum- 
stances there were Christians who felt that the only 
hope for salvation rested in fleeing from the world and 
its temptations and taking refuge in an isolated life of 
holy devotion. 

Hence there grew up within Christianity that form 
of solitary living known as monasticism, with its ' asceti- 
cism,' or discipline of the body in the interest of the high- 
est spiritual life. 2 Some of the elements of asceticism 
appeared in Christianity, through various sects, like the 
Therapeutae, Gnostics, and Montanists, even during the 
first two centuries of its history, although it was not 
until the third century that any number of Christians 
adopted such a mode of living. As corruption increased 
in the Roman world, many abandoned their homes, or 
were driven from them by persecution. They withdrew 
farther and farther from society, until they reached the 
seclusion of the mountains, where they dwelt alone in 
caves. Thus these first Christian hermits were literally 
' monks,' 3 and the dreary deserts and solitudes of lower 
Egypt naturally furnished them with a suitable dwell- 
ing-place. They pursued a life of prayer, contempla- 
tion, and repression of the body, even to the extent of 
practicing vigil and fasting, flagellation, exhaustive labor, 

1 For a description of this decadence in its various phases, see Graves, 
op.cit., pp. 234-235, 267, and 275-277. 

2 But long before Christianity, monasticism existed in many types of 
religion and philosophy and among a variety of races and peoples. Per- 
haps it appears earliest in India, with the Brahman self-torture, but among 
the Greeks, as early as the sixth century B.C., the Pythagoreans established 
a strict ascetic regime. Somewhat later, there were similar tendencies 
among the Cynics and the Stoics, and in Plato's emphasis upon the ideal 
life and meditation, especially as continued in Neoplatonism. There were 
also several ascetic sects among the Jews. 

3 The word is derived from the Greek monos, which signifies ' alone.' 

Many with- 
drew from 
society into 
the deserts of 
Egypt, where 
they led a life 
of asceticism 
and devotion. 


ITie first re- 
cluse was 
Paul, who 
was followed 
by Anthony 
and hosts of 

Before long, 
these monks 
began to live 
together, and 
the first mon- 
astery was 
founded by 
about the 
middle of 
the fourth 

This form of 
was extended 
into Europe 

and merciless exposure to heat and cold. Their food 
consisted mostly of bread and water, while oil, salt, and 
such fruits and vegetables as could easily be obtained, 
may occasionally have been used as luxuries. The first 
to court this life of isolation and repression was one 
Paul, who during the third century escaped from per- 
secution into the Egyptian desert, and was generally 
regarded as the founder of the hermit life. He was fol- 
lowed by that Anthony who is reputed to have had so 
many encounters with 'the evil one,' and by hosts of 
others until the caves of Egypt were everywhere filled 
with recluses. 

The social instinct, however, still existed even in these 
anchorites, and before long the abodes of the more 
famous hermits were surrounded by the huts and dens 
of disciples. This led to the foundation of monasteries 
or common dwelling-houses, in which the monks lived 
apart in separate cells, but met for meals, prayers, com- 
munion, and counsel. 1 The first monastery was organ- 
ized by Pachomius, about the middle of the fourth 
century, and was located on the island of Tabennae in 
the Nile. The founder divided his fourteen hundred 
followers into bands of tens and hundreds, with an 
appropriate official over each group and with all finally 
subordinate to himself. 2 This form of monasticism was 
more humane than the solitary, and soon came to pre- 
vail. The influence of Pachomius was extended over 
all Egypt and into Syria and Palestine until there were 
some seven thousand monks living under his ' rule ' or 

From the East this ccenobitic ('common life') monas- 
ticism was introduced into Greece by Basil, who had 
studied it in Egypt, Syria, and Palestine, and into Italy 

1 A good picture of this type of Egyptian monasticism can be formed 
by reading the description of Philammon's life in Abbot Pambo's laura at 
Scetis, given in Kingsley's Hypatia. 

2 He could not, however, have been known as abbot ('father'), as this 
term was not for some time restricted to the superior or head, but was ap- 
plied to every monk. 


and Gaul by Athanasius during his flight from Alexan- 
dria to escape the Arian persecutions, and half a cen- 
tury later by Jerome, who came to Rome from his 
monastery in Bethlehem in order to evangelize. But 
monasticism in the West took on a very different char- 
acter from that of the Orient or even from that in 
Greece. The passivity in living and the self-torture of 
the East could not appeal to the energetic people of the 
West and gave way to more active pursuits and milder 
discipline. The codes of Pachomius and Basil were 
replaced by those of St. Augustine and Cassian in 
the fifth century, and of Benedict in the sixth, and 
the monks turned to the cultivation of the soil, the 
preservation of literature, and teaching, under these 
rules. The discipline of Benedict, while based on that 
of his predecessors, was far broader and more practical, 
and had a wide range of influence. It was extended by 
his pupil, St. Maur, into Gaul, and in the eighth cen- 
tury was widely spread by Boniface, ' the apostle to the 

Meanwhile, there were developing in Ireland a school 
of theology and a type of monasticism of quite a differ- 
ent kind. Britain had been Christianized while still 
a Roman province, but during the fifth century the 
country was reheathenized through its occupation by 
the Angles and Saxons. The Christianity there was 
crowded back into Ireland and parts of Wales, and, 
through its isolation from the rest of the Church, came 
to vary from that of Rome. Irish Christianity adopted 
a different time for Easter, and other peculiar ecclesi- 
astical usages, and preserved a high development of 
learning for some time after it had been driven from the 
Continent. During the sixth century, through a fugitive 
monk called Columba, 1 Celtic Christianity spread as a 

1 According to Montalembert, O'Donnell, or ' Columba,' was con- 
demned to exile as the result of a quarrel with his abbot and king over his 
making a copy of the Psalter surreptitiously. See The Monks of the West, 
VoL II, pp. 15-24. He founded a monastery upon the west coast of 
Scotland, which became the prototype of many similar institutions. 

by Basil, 
and Jerome, 
and there, 
tine, Cassian, 
and Benedict, 
it turned 
toward more 
active pur- 

In Ireland a 
different type 
of monasti- 
cism arose, 
by the ab- 
sorption of 
which into 
learning and 
greatly stimu- 



The Bene- 
dictine ' rule ' 
was generally 
adopted, but, 
as discipline 
grew lax, 
various re- 
form orders 
of monks 

type through the southern part of Scotland and into 
Northumbria, and in the sixth and seventh centuries 
it was extended throughout Gaul. Before the arrival 
of Irish Christianity in northern England, however, 
Roman Catholicism and the Benedictine rule had been 
introduced into Kent and the southern kingdoms by a 
prior named Augustine, who, in 597, had been sent by 
the pope to evangelize England. Within a couple of 
generations the two types of Christianity came seriously 
into conflict, especially in Northumbria, until, through 
the king of that territory, Roman Catholicism was recog- 
nized as authoritative at the Council of Whitby in 664, 
and Celtic Christianity withdrew to Ireland or was ab- 
sorbed by the Roman Church. An immense enthusiasm 
for the church, culture, and literature of Rome resulted 
from this merging of the rival organizations, and the 
monasteries of England, such as Wearmouth and Yar- 
row, became the great centers of learning for Europe. 

The discipline of Benedict continued largely to control 
the monasteries of Western Europe. 1 While each house 
remained independent, practically all adopted the ' rule ' 
as Benedict himself wrote it, or in a modified form. 
But as the monastic lands and wealth increased, and 
the monks grew luxurious, and lax in their attention to 
religious duties, from time to time there sprang up 
new movements, which undertook to introduce reforms 
into the monastic system of living. Of such a nature 
were the efforts of Benedict of Aniane, the Cluniac 
monasteries, 2 Dunstan in England, St. Bruno, and the 
later orders known as Augustinians, Carthusians, Cister- 
cians, Franciscans, and Dominicans. 3 Every succeeding 
foundation strove to outdo all the others in strictness, 

1 The popularity of the Benedictine rule was due in large part to Pope 
Gregory I (590-604), who, as a former monk of the order, gave it the 
benefit of his influence, and through the missionary, Augustine, another 
Benedictine, it received authoritative standing in England. 

2 For Cluny, Citeaux, Camaldoli, etc., as seats of reform of the Bene- 
dictine monasticism, see Milman's Latin Christianity, Vol. IV, pp. 228- 

8 See Chapter VIII. 


but the ' rule ' of each one had its ultimate basis in that 
of Benedict. 

The Rule of Benedict. Owing to the importance of 
the Benedictine code, it will be necessary to examine 
some of its provisions, and note their effect upon mo- 
nastic institutions. The ' rule ' consists of a prologue 
and seventy-three chapters, and deals with the organ- 
ization, worship, discipline, admission, ordination, and 
other administrative functions of a monastery. 1 Bene- 
dict appreciated the temperament of the West and the 
needs of the times, and gave especial prominence to 
the doctrines of labor and of systematic reading. His 
forty-eighth chapter declares : 

"Idleness is the great enemy of the soul, therefore the monks 
should always be occupied, either in manual labor or in holy reading. 
The hours for these occupations should be arranged according to 
the seasons, as follows : From Easter to the first of October, the 
monks shall go to work at the first hour and labor until the fourth 
hour, and the time from the fourth to the sixth hour shall be spent 
in reading. After dinner, which comes at the sixth hour, they shall 
lie down and rest in silence ; but any one who wishes may read, if 
he does it so as not to disturb any one else. Nones shall be ob- 
served a little earlier, about the middle of the eighth hour, and the 
monks shall go back to work, laboring until vespers." 

These seven hours of labor might be increased in har- 
vest time, if necessary, while in winter, from October 
to Lent, an extra hour was added to the two hours of 
reading, and during Lent still a fourth hour. 

By the requirement of manual labor Benedict pro- 
fessedly intended to keep the robust and active monks 
from temptations and from brooding, 2 but it was event- 
ually by this means also that the desperate material 

1 For the complete ' rule,' see Thatcher and McNeal, Source Book for 
Mediizval History, pp. 432-485. 

2 In Lecky we read that " a melancholy, leading to desperation, 
known to theologians under the name of ' acedia,' was not uncommon in 
monasteries. The frequent suicides of monks, sometimes to escape the 
world, sometimes through despair at their inability to quell the propensities 
of the body, sometimes through insanity produced by their mode of life, 
and by their dread of surrounding demons, were noticed by the early 

The Benedio 
tine ' rule ' 
required at 
least seven 
hours of 
manual labo' 
and two 
hours of 

the labor re- 
sulted in 
great ma- 
terial im- 
and the read- 
ing in the 
of learning. 



For the read- 
ing, manu- 
scripts had 
to be col- 
lected and 
and the 
became a 
feature of 
each monas- 

conditions, produced by the barbarian inroads, were 
largely reduced to law and order. Through the agency 
of the monasteries, swamps were drained, forests cleared, 
and the desert regions reclaimed; the peasants were 
trained in agriculture, and the various crafts and in- 
dustries were preserved ; the abandoned fields were 
repeopled, and the beginnings of cities formed anew. 
On the other hand, the requirement of daily reading 
proved the means of preserving some semblance of 
learning and reviving a literary education. 

The Libraries, Multiplication of Manuscripts, and Origi- 
nal Writings of the Monasteries. If the monks were 
to read, manuscripts had to be collected and reproduced. 
Hence the monasteries became the depositories of an- 
cient literature and learning, and the interest in the 
collection and care of books increased as monasticism 
developed. Benedict, in -the chapter from which we 
quoted above, gives some directions for the care of 
books. He even mentions a 'library,' but probably the 
books were not kept in a special room at first. They 
seem to have been placed in the cloister of the monastery, 
where they would be most accessible to the monks, and 
locked in presses when not in use; but before long a 
regular library room with seats and other conveniences 
for reading was arranged. The Cluniacs further ap- 
pointed a special official to care for the library and 
the books, and the Carthusians and Cistercians even 
allowed outsiders to borrow books upon stated terms, 
and seem to have provided two sets of books, for lend- 
ing and reference respectively. But the monastic libra- 
ries were very limited both in the number of the books 
and the character of their subject matter. The works 
in the average monastery were mostly religious in nature, 
as literature for its own sake was a conception unheard 
of in monastic times. Most libraries, too, contained but 
a few hundred volumes, although a few, like Fulda, 
St. Gall, and Croyland, came to have a thousand or two, 
and the Novalese in Italy, according to Montalembert, 
had risen to sixty-five hundred by the time of its de- 


struction in the tenth century. Nevertheless, the library 
became so important a feature of the monastic environ- 
ment that in 1170 a sub-prior of Normandy voiced a 
general sentiment when he declared : claustrum sine 
armario est quasi castrum sine armamentaria ('a mon- 
astery without a library is like a castle without an 
armory '). 

The multiplication of manuscripts for the sake of ob- This resulted 
taining duplicates for the monks or for exchange with s Ve h cop X ying 
other houses soon became a part of the work of the ofmanu- 
monasteries. 1 Those who were especially skilled or sacred'and* 1 
were too weak or disabled to carry on rough toil, were secular, and 
allowed to put in their seven hours of labor in making bo S ok- C trade f 
copies of manuscripts. Others must also have under- inthemonas. 
taken it when the weather made it impossible to work terles ' 
outside, and in the convents that eventually arose for 
women the copying of manuscripts was the chief form 
of labor. Each monastery soon had a scriptorizim (' writ- 
ing-room ') in one end of the building, and occasionally 
regular cells for copying were provided. While copies 
were multiplied mostly of the Scriptures Sacra (' sacred 
writings'), 2 the Christian Fathers, the missals, and brevi- 
aries, many of the Latin classics likewise helped to 
occupy the time of the monks, and were in this way 
preserved for the day of awakening. Although much 
of the copying may have been done automatically, with 
more regard for neatness and ornamentation than ac- 
curacy or meaning, it was intended that the content of 
the works should have its intellectual and moral influence 
upon the copyists. This multiplication and exchange 
of manuscripts by the monks must have been main- 
tained upon rather a large scale. Until the cathedrals, 
palaces, and castles also came to collect manuscripts, 
and, through the art of printing, copies became more 
common, the monasteries were engaged in what might 
be termed a species of book-trade. 

1 It was begun at Viviers, Italy, in 539 by Cassiodorus, but the example 
was soon followed by all the Benedictine monasteries. 

2 This included not only the Scriptures, but all other works elucidating 
religious or ecclesiastical truths. 



The monks 
also pro- 
duced origi- 
nal writ- 
moral, and 

The require- 
ment of read- 
ing necessi- 
tated the 
of schools in 
the monas- 

But the monasteries did not confine their efforts U 
copying the works of others. In fact, it has gradually 
come to be realized that the monks were the authors of 
a vast amount of original literature. While the sub- 
ject matter is somewhat circumscribed, the quantity of 
monastic writings illustrates how absurd was the old 
notion of the ' Dark Ages.' Most of their productions 
were upon religious topics, such as commentaries upon 
the Scriptures or the Christian Fathers, The Lives of 
the Saints, and the sermons or moral tales called Gesta 
Romanorum (' Deeds of the Romans '),* but they also 
wrote histories of the Church, the monasteries, and the 
times. History, however, was not viewed in those days 
so much with reference to the facts as to the glory and 
advancement of the Church, and these accounts are con- 
sequently filled with superstition, inaccuracy, bias, and 
impossibility. They are, nevertheless, practically the 
only documents of the times that we possess. After 
making due allowance for the view-point of the writers, 
we shall get from them the best picture of the life, 
thought, and institutions of at least the earlier Middle 

Organization of the Monastic Education. The life in 
the monasteries was a species of education in itself, and 
even in the 'rule' of Benedict there was no provision 
for anything more formal. However, since very early 
the monks were required to read, collect libraries, and 
copy manuscripts, it is not surprising that regular schools 
had arisen within the monasteries even a century before 
Benedict's time. And by the ninth century nearly all 
monastic houses had also schools for the children of the 
neighborhood, and, as time passed, many prescriptions 
concerning education were added to the Benedictine 
code. Literary education was at first recognized and 
then emphasized until all the monasteries of repute were 
also known for the learning and education maintained. 
Such, for example, were Monte Cassino, Bobbio, Pom- 

1 These Gesta Romanorum were merely popular tales {fabliaux) that 
had been given a moral twist. 


posa, and Classe in Italy; Fulda, Reichenau, Hirschau, 
Uandersheim, Wissenbourg, and Hersfeld in Germany ; 
St. Gall in Switzerland ; Fontenelle, Fleury, Ferrieres, 
Corbie, Tours, Toul, Cluny, and Bee in France ; and 
Canterbury, York, Wearmouth and Yarrow, Glaston- 
bury, St. Albans, Croyland, and Malmesbury in Eng- 
land; all of which furnished excellent advantages for 
the times. Many other monasteries, however, gave little 
or no attention to learning. The course may often have 
lasted eight or ten years, as boys of ten or even less 
were sometimes received into the monastic schools, and 
no one could become a regular member of the order be- 
fore he was eighteen. Later, boys were also admitted 
who never expected to enter the order, although they 
were to be priests. These latter were called externi 
(' outsiders ') in distinction to the oblati ('those offered'), 
who were preparing to become monks. 

The Three Ideals of the Monastic Education. While 
some importance was thus attached to learning and in- 
tellectual development, the main aim of monastic educa- 
tion was the discipline and repression of the body. The 
training in all its aspects was primarily intended to make 
monks. It was a course in ascetic living, and its goal is 
summed up in the three ideals that appear in the usual 
oath of a monk before admission, of which the following 
is an example : 

" I, brother (name), a humble monk of the monastery of St. Denis 
in France, in the diocese of Paris, in the name of God, the Virgin 
Mary, St. Denis, St. Benedict, and all the saints, and of the abbot of 
this monastery, do promise to keep the vows of obedience, chastity, 
and poverty. I also promise, in the presence of witnesses, steadfast- 
ness and conversion of life, according to the rules of this monastery 
and the traditions of the holy fathers." 

These three ideals, ' obedience, chastity, and pov- 
erty,' represented the various practices deemed neces- 
sary in monastic life. Each concept monasticism sought 
to defend by quotations from the Bible, and only by 
their joint practice and ingraining in the life of the 
individual was it believed that the soul could be purified 

and a course 
of from eight 
to ten years 
came about. 

The chief 
purpose of 
was ex- 
pressed in 
the ideals of 
chastity, and 


and saved. ' Obedience ' was felt to be an essential 
ideal for the training of a monk, as his superiors were 
held to be the representatives of God, and the effect of 
this submission upon the untamed Germans was most 
beneficial. By ' chastity ' the monastics meant celibacy, 
and this was believed to be ' more blessed than mar- 
riage,' as one could accomplish so much more for reli- 
gion if his attention were not distracted by family duties. 
Likewise, the monks felt that it would be difficult for 
one who was not wedded to ' poverty ' to escape the 
hardening and debauching influences of the time. 

Thus monastic education sought for the sake of salva- 
tion to oppose three of the fundamental obligations of 
the existing society, allegiance to the state, care of the 
family, and economic provision for the future, and in 
this sense it might be regarded as anti-social. To come 
to such a conclusion would be, however, to view a 
mediaeval institution from the modern point of view, as 
well as to ignore the tremendous contribution to social 
development made by these ideals. However unsuited 
they may seem at the present time, it was through them 
that the lives of the crude and ruthless warriors of the 
day were softened, and society was to a large extent 
reorganized upon a higher and more effective level. 

The Monastic Course of Study and the Seven Liberal 
Arts. The subject matter that was used by the mo- 
nastic schools to carry out these ideals varied from time 
to time. In the first schools, founded by Cassian, the 
course was of an elementary and narrow sort, and was 
intended to prepare for only the bare duties of the mo- 
nastic life. The embryo monks were required to learn 
to read, in order to study the Bible ; to write, that they 
might copy the sacred books ; and to calculate, for the 
sake of computing Church festivals. This limited train- 
ing became even more formal and illiberal under the 
immediate successors of Cassian, but by the time of 
Benedict, the Christians, having succeeded in establish- 
ing their ideals, felt that the pagan culture was no 
longer threatening and began to introduce the Graeco- 


Roman learning into the course of study. By this time 
the pagan authors themselves had somewhat fallen into 
disuse, but practically none of the actual knowledge of 
the classical times had disappeared. It remained in 
that condensed and rather dry form known as the 
Seven Liberal Arts. 

This canon of the proper studies, which was adopted 
by the monastic and other mediaeval schools, is of so 
much importance as to demand a detailed account both 
of its origin and its content. It was a gradual evolu- 
tion from Graeco-Roman days, but became the especial 
topic for many treatises during the fifth and sixth cen- 
turies. 1 The discrimination of these liberal studies may 
be said to have begun with Plato, whose scheme of 
education included two groups of subjects, the lower, 
consisting of gymnastics, musical practice, and letters, 
and the higher, made up of arithmetic, geometry, musi- 
cal theory, and astronomy. These ' liberal ' subjects, 
during the later days of Greece and the Roman Repub- 
lic, gradually combined with the ' practical ' studies of 
the sophists, rhetoric and dialectic, and, after various 
changes, the pagan course settled down about the be- 
ginning of the Christian era into grammar (or literature), 
rhetoric, and dialectic, arithmetic, geometry, music, and 
astronomy. It is known, for example, that when the 
Roman Varro (116-27 B.C.) wrote upon the Hellenized 
school curriculum, he included all seven, although he 
added also medicine and architecture. 

While other writers of later Rome were not as definite 
in their conception of the liberal arts and omitted one or 
another of the subjects in their treatment, by the time 
of the decadence of Roman education, in the fourth 
century A.D., this canon of the Greek schools must have 
become fairly well fixed. The best illustration is found 
in the Latin writer, Martianus Capella, who in the early 

1 An interesting and scholarly discussion of the subject is found in Abel- 
son's The Seven Liberal Arts (New York, 1906), and a more detailed 
account of ' grammar ' and ' rhetoric ' in Paetow's The Arts Course at 
Mediceval Universities (Urbana, Illinois, 1910). 

rhetoric, and 
dialectic, and 
music, and 

This canon 
had become 
well fixed by 
the fourth 
century, and 
dic treatises 
were written 
by Capella, 
St. Augus- 
tine, Boe- 
thius, Cassia 
dorus, and 


part of the fifth century produced a treatise upon the 
seven liberal arts, known as De Nuptiis Philologies et 
Mercurii. It is a dry allegorical account of the marriage 
of the god Mercury with the congenial maiden Philology, 
at which each of the seven bridesmaids, Grammatica^ 
Dialectica, Rhetorica, Geometrica, Arithmetica, Astro- 
nomia, and Harmonia, narrates her antecedents and de- 
scribes the subject she represents. It was about this 
time that the Christians began to realize that this pagan 
course might be of service to them in the study of 
theology, and began themselves to write on the liberal 
arts. Even St. Augustine (354-430) justified these 
studies on the ground of ' despoiling the Egyptians,' and 
wrote treatises upon all of them, except astronomy. 
Thus he most fully influenced the Western world in 
accepting this curriculum, but a f ormulator of the liberal 
arts whose works were more widely read in the Middle 
Ages was the supposed Christian, Boethitis 1 (481-525). 
He wrote especially upon logic and ethics, which made 
up the content of the mediaeval 'dialectic,' and upon 
arithmetic, geometry, and music. A further contribution 
was made in the sixth century by Cassiodorus? the 
founder, and later the head, of the monastery of Viviers, 
who in his DeArtibus et Disciplinis Liberalium Literarum 
(' On the Liberal Arts and Sciences ') first regularly 
used the term 'the seven liberal arts,' and justified this 
specific number by reference to the seven pillars of 
wisdom mentioned in Proverbs. 3 From this time on the 
seven liberal arts were recognized by the Christians as 
the orthodox secular studies preparatory to theology. 
With Isidore (566-636), the bishop of Seville, the term 
becomes definitely fixed, and the first three subjects are 
classed as the trivium and the other four as the quad- 

1 He was claimed as a Christian and his writings were much copied 
and used by the monastic schools, but while some of his expressions might 
be so interpreted, he was undoubtedly pagan in most of his conceptions. 

2 The early part of his activity was spent as chief counsellor to Theodoric, 
the Ostrogothic king, who had defeated Odoacer and taken possession of 
Italy. See also footnote, p. II. 

8 Proverbs, IX, I. 


rivium. This distinction appeared in his Etymologia 
or Origines, an encyclopaedic work, containing all the 
meager knowledge of the day, which he wrote for his 
monks and secular clergy. The first three of its twenty 
books treated the seven liberal arts, and the trivialities 
and absurdities they contain mark the retrogression in 
learning that had gradually come about in the successive 
treatises. However, from this time on the program of 
the seven liberal arts was traditional in mediaeval edu- 
cation, and Isidore became the chief authority in the 
monastic schools. 

But while at no time after the sixth century did the 
Church or the monastic schools show themselves seri- 
ously hostile to any of these secular studies, certain of 
the liberal arts were more emphasized at various periods, 
and the quality of instruction in some subjects varied at 
different times. The importance attached to a subject 
seems in each case to have been in keeping with the 
needs of the period. Up to the twelfth century, since 
an acquaintance with the Latin language and literature 
was absolutely necessary, and dialectic and mathematics 
were as yet but little developed, stress was laid upon the 
study of grammar and rhetoric, but, as will appear in 
the chapter on Scholasticism, in the later centuries of 
the Middle Ages, when cogency in thought and argu- 
ment had become all important, dialectic was emphasized, 
and when mathematical knowledge came in with the 
Saracens, arithmetic, geometry, and astronomy were 
especially favored by the stronger minds. 

It should also be remembered that while this cur- 
riculum was not a broad one, the scope was much wider 
than would be supposed from the mere names of the 
subjects. 'Grammar' was simply an introduction to 
literature, and, after gaining some facility in Latin 
through simple proverbs, epigrams, and fables, the 
pupils read some of the classic and Christian authors 
themselves. 1 The works most read seem to have been, 

1 Recent investigation has shown that the amount of classic literature 
was beyond the belief of the most enthusiastic medievalists. See Specht, 
Geschichte des Unterricktswesens in Deutschland, pp. 296-394. 

Until the 
and rhetoric 
were most 
but after that 
were forced 
aside by the 
of dialectic 
and mathe- 

All subjects 
were much 
broader in 
content than 
would be 
from the 


on the one hand, first and foremost the ALne'id of 
Vergil, 1 and then some of Terence, Horace, Statius, 
Lucan, Persius, and Juvenal ; and on the other, Juven- 
cus, Prudentius, and Sedulius. But little of the Greek 
literature, however, was known, except through the me- 
dium of translations. 2 ' Rhetoric,' which, in accordance 
with mediaeval needs, was intended especially as an aid to 
writing official letters and drawing up legal documents, 
had to include also some knowledge of history and law. 3 
While throughout the Middle Ages dialectic was similar 
to the formal logic of to-day, it paved the way in the 
later period for the problems of metaphysics. ' Arith- 
metic ' consisted at first of little more than the calcula- 
tion of Church festivals, but in the tenth century, with 
the introduction of columnal calculation, and later of the 
Arabic notation and symbols, the content was very 
greatly increased. Similarly, ' geometry,' which from 
the first included some knowledge of geography and 
geometrical concepts, was gradually enlarged to embrace 
the complete system of Euclid and all the existing knowl- 
edge of geography and surveying. Likewise, while 
4 astronomy ' was at first limited to a practical knowledge 
of the courses of the planets and the changes of season, 
Ptolemy's treatise and Aristotle On the Heavens gradu- 
ally found their way in through the Saracens, and, at 
the close of the Middle Ages, considerable mathematical 

1 During the Middle Ages Vergil was esteemed as the embodiment of 
wisdom, and, while the Christians tried to break from him as evil in doc- 
trine, they seem to have been quite unable. Such features of his writings 
as were inconsistent with the thought and ethics of the age were harmon- 
ized by regarding them as allegorical. As his wisdom came to be con- 
sidered more than human, legends grew up in which he figured as a prophet 
and magician. From such tales, when expanded and embellished, there 
sprang the material for various Old French romans and fabliaux. See 
Comparetti's Vergil in the Middle Ages. 

2 Greek was preserved somewhat longer in the British Isles, but prob- 
ably not even Alcuin was much acquainted with the original literature. 
The pagan classics were generally distrusted by men who were absorbed in 
saving their souls. 

8 Later, this phase of rhetoric developed into a professional branch 
known as ars dictaminis or dictamen prosaicum, which, while short-lived, 
gave birth in Italy to the more specialized ars notaria, which was closely 
related to civil law. See Paetow, The Arts Course, Chapter III. 


astronomy and physics were included. And although 
' music ' comprehended at the beginning only sacred 
compositions, in the end it covered a broad study of the 
history and theory of music. Thus, as the Middle 
Ages developed, while the content of the course of study 
in the monastic, as in the other, schools varied from time 
to time, it could at no period be considered really meager. 

The Methods of Teaching and the Texts Used in the in method 
Monastic Schools. So, too, in the matter of method, ^^d con- 
while the teachers of the monastic schools were far from siderabie 
attaining to modern theory, they seem to have possessed j^d'skiii 
some pedagogical skill. Their interest in the art of in- although 
struction is also shown in the fact that, beside such gen- ^emo^had 1 
eral encyclopaedic works as those of Capella, Boethius, to be largely 
Cassiodorus, and Isidore, a large number of texts upon used * 
each one of the liberal arts has survived. 

The general method of teaching was that of question 
and answer. As an illustration of the drill of the times 
when applied to the first word of the JEneid, the follow- 
ing has been extracted from Priscian : 

" What part of speech is arma f " " A noun." 

" Of what sort ? " " Common." 

" Of what class ? " " Abstract." 

" Of what gender ? " " Neuter." 

" Why neuter ? " " Because all nouns whose plurals end in a are 

" Why is not the singular used ? " " Because this noun expresses 
many different things." 

As copies of the various books were scarce, the in- 
structor often resorted to dictation, explaining the mean- 
ing as he read, and the pupils took the passage down 
upon their tablets and committed it. The reading-books 
preparatory to the study of literature, many of 
which are still extant, were generally arranged by each 
teacher, and careful attention was given to the etymo- 
logical and literary study of the authors to be read. 
There naturally was an unusually large number of com- 
mentaries upon Vergil. 1 

1 See footnote I upon p. 18. Abelson speaks of these commentaries as 
divided into four groups, literary, rhetorical, eulogistic, and allegorical* 



Beside the 
dic writings 
on the liberal 
arts, various 
texts were 
upon single 

As to texts, the leading works upon grammar, and 
those upon which most of the later treatises were based, 
were written by the Roman grammarians, Donatus 
(fourth century) and Priscian (sixth century). These 
texts were, however, poorly adapted to boys who learned 
Latin as a foreign language, and during the twelfth and 
thirteenth centuries there sprang up a series of gram- 
mars, of which the Doctrinale of Alexander of Villedieu, 
and the Gracismus of Eberhard of Bethune, were the 
most important. 1 The ' new ' grammars devised a sys- 
tem of syntax, and, for the sake of memorizing, were 
often written in verse. As rhetoric was no longer con- 
cerned with declamation and panegyric, the rhetorical 
works of Cicero and Quintilian were rarely used as texts 
on the subject, although the writings of these authors 
were not infrequently referred to as themselves models 
of the best style. The various mediaeval textbooks 
dealing with the art of prose writing, included rather a 
compendium of official letters, famous legal documents, 
and forms relating to daily life. The proper divisions 
of a letter or a document and the method of producing 
each part were also definitely described in the treatises. 2 
The texts upon dialectic were in the earlier Middle Ages 
mostly confined to the encyclopaedic writings on the 
liberal arts, but during the period of scholasticism, spe- 
cific works on the various subjects were produced by 
nearly every writer of prominence. Dialectic was first 
based upon Latin translations of a few works of Aristotle, 
but toward the end of the twelfth century there came 
an influx of the ' new ' Aristotle through the Moors, and 
soon all his works were in the possession of the Chris- 
tians. After the tenth century there was also a large 

1 At the University of Paris the most remarkable grammarian was John 
Garland, whose chief works are Clavis Compendii, Compendium Gram- 
malice, and Accentttarius. 

2 Alberich of Monte Cassino, in the latter half of the eleventh century, 
wrote a text on the new art, in which he taught the division of a letter 
into five parts, sahitttio, benevolentiae captatio, narratio, petitio, con- 
clusio. The art reached its height at Bologna with the famous master, 



nun.6er of texts upon arithmetic and geometry. In 
astronomy, besides the encyclopaedic works, there were 
special editions and adaptations of the treatises of 
Ptolemy and Aristotle. The elaborate De Musica of 
Boethius lasted well into the day of universities, but 
several commentaries were also written during the ninth 
and tenth centuries by less known authorities. 

How Monasticism Affected the Middle Ages and Civili- Monasticism 
zation in General. Much, then, is owed to the Christian 
monasteries for preserving and spreading humanity and 
culture. While we cannot always trust the unstinted progress and 
praise of Montalembert, we may easily sympathize when 
he declares : 

"To that unfortunate multitude condemned to labor and priva- 
tion, which constitutes the immense majority of the human race, the 
monks have always been prodigal, not only of bread, but at the 
same time of a sympathy efficacious and indefatigable a nourish- 
ment of the soul not less important than that of the body." 

Monasticism arose from a protest against vice and 
corruption, and pointed the way to a deeper religion 
and a nobler life. It tamed the spirits and refined the 
hearts and intellects of the German hordes. It culti- 
vated the waste places and made " the deserts blossom 
as the rose." Through it barbarians acquired industrial 
skill and perceived the true dignity of labor. The poor, 
the hungry, and the sick found asylum and succor at the and for the 
monastery door, and the weary traveller a hospice inside onetrning n 
its halls. Monasticism preserved ancient culture and andeduca- 
brought forth chronicles and religious works ; it con- tion- 
tinued the classical schools and the traditions of educa- 
tion. It may not be that "without the monks we should 
have been as ignorant of our history as children," but 
we do have to rely upon them at present for many of 
our documents and sources of the Middle Ages, uncriti- 
cal and superstitious though they were, and it is scarcely 
possible that without the monasteries and monastic 
schools the Latin and Greek manuscripts and learning 
would have survived and been available when the 
human spirit was at length aroused from its lethargy of 
a thousand years. 



But it had 
lapses from 
piety, and 
industry, and 
was some- 
what op- 
posed to 
and abso- 
lutely so to 
science and 

Nevertheless, it must be admitted that monasticism 
was infected with many faults of the times. There 
were periodic lapses from its piety and morality, espe- 
cially as the monasteries came to be wealthy, luxurious, 
and idle. While these times usually gave rise to new 
orders with additional strictness of living, carelessness in 
religion and industry, and even vice, often crept within 
the monastic walls. And in the matter of learning and 
education, although the amount of Graeco-Latin culture 
retained and original works produced is now known to 
have been very much greater than was previously sup- 
posed, it is equally certain that monasticism was always 
somewhat hostile to classical literature as representing 
the temptations of the world and opposing the ascetic 
ideal, and at all times its rigid orthodoxy prevented 
every possibility of science and the development of 

This is, of course, the secret of the unsparing criti- 
cism of such men as Voltaire, Gibbon, and Guizot, as far 
as it was not an outgrowth of their prejudices. Such 
wholesale condemnation is even more untenable for the 
historian than is the biased advocacy of Montalembert. 
The truth will, as usual, be found somewhere between 
the extremes. Perhaps the fairest picture is that given 
in the series of epigrams by a recent writer : 

" Monasticism was the friend and foe of true religion. It was the 
patron of industry and the promoter of idleness. It was the pioneer 
in education and the teacher of superstition. It was the disburser 
of alms and a many-handed robber. It was the friend of human 
liberty and the abettor of tyranny. It was the champion of the 
common people and the defender of class privileges." l 

All the criticisms in this estimate were probably true 
of certain monasteries during a considerable part of 
their existence and of almost all monasteries at par- 
ticular periods, but in the main the merits cited are the 
more characteristic of this great institution. At any 
rate, in balancing these contradictions, the positive con- 
tributions of monasticism to the humanities and civiliza- 

1 Wishart, Monks and Monasteries, p. 389. 


tion must not be overlooked. While it may at times 
have retrograded, and did stand at every period in the 
way of actual progress, it was, after all, the chief means 
of enabling the Germans to keep alive and hand on to 
the modern world the light that had been kindled in 
them by their contact with antiquity. 



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WHILE the ecclesiastical organization was the main 
element, it was not the only means of furthering the assim- 
ilation that was going on in the Middle Ages. Although 
Rome had perished and the fragments of her dominions 
were in constant opposition and turmoil, occasionally the 
political factor had its effect upon mediaeval civilization 
and education, especially as the idea of a universal 
empire had never entirely vanished. 

Rise of the Franks and the Empire of Charlemagne. 
For nearly three centuries after the fall of Rome, the 
inroads of the barbarians and the disintegration of the 
Roman civil organization, culture, and system of educa- 
tion went on. But by the eighth century conditions had 
settled somewhat, and a new social order and grouping 
about a Prankish king had come to pass. The ' Franks' The Franks 
consisted of a confederation of German tribes that alone fhe'cermans 
had succeeded in establishing a permanent kingdom established a 
which was neither taken by other barbarian tribes nor kfngctom" 1 
reconquered by the Eastern emperor. By the middle and under 
of the sixth century, under the Merovingian kings, they ih\gianscen- 
had spread over what is now France, Belgium, Holland, traiized the 
and most of western Germany, and, through the rise of soverei s nt J r ' 
the more vigorous Carolingian dynasty in the seventh 
and eighth centuries, their control became even wider 
and the sovereignty more centralized. Karl M artel 
greatly strengthened the Frankish rule and the Caro- 
lingian dynasty by his repulse of the Saracens at Tours 
in 732. Two decades later, his son, Pippin the Short, 
consummated a family alliance with the pope, and, 
severely chastising the Lombards, who were threatening 



This was 
through the 
of Charle- 
magne by 
the pope 
in 800. 

his rule by 
the duchies, 
sending out 
missi, form- 
ing a cabinet, 
and issuing 

Rome, turned over a goodly strip of their land to the 
pontiff. Pippin's son, Karl the Great or Charlemagne^ 
(742-814), deposed the troublesome dukes of Aquitaine 
and Bavaria, forced the Lombards to recognize him as 
their king, conquered the pagan Saxons, crowded the 
Saracens back of the Ebro, subdued the fierce Slavs and 
Bohemians, and generally completed the erection of 
Prankish supremacy into a single Christian empire. 

This unification was recognized by the unexpected 
crowning of Charlemagne as Emperor of the Romans 
by the pope upon Christmas day, 800. And that act 
from the head of the Church Universal may fairly be 
regarded as a climax in the absorption of the Roman 
organization by the Germans, who thus, through the 
Franks, became the means of transmitting it as a basic 
element in modern society. Just as our religious inherit- 
ance from Rome was made possible through the organi- 
zation of the Roman Catholic Church, so the heritage of 
Roman political and legal institutions has come to us 
through the establishment at this time of what was 
destined, when somewhat curtailed, to be known as the 
Holy Roman Empire. 

Charlemagne's Improvements in Administration. But 
Charlemagne readily saw the difficulty of holding to- 
gether his wide and heterogeneous dominions, and his 
administration was as wisely conducted as his conquests. 
While still king of the Franks, he abolished the indepen- 
dent tribal duchies and divided them into districts under 
counts, responsible directly to the central government; 
and, as the hostile peoples were pushed back, he created 
military districts to prevent incursions and put margraves* 
(' counts of the border ') in charge of them. As a check 
upon the counts and margraves, he sent out missi 
dominici ('royal commissioners'), who should report to 
him what was going on in the various districts. To 
assist in the central government, he had a council of 

1 At this time the Franks were all Germans, and the French form of the 
name is indefensible, except as the result of usage. 

2 I.e. Mark plus Graf. 


nobles and ecclesiastics, with whose sanction he issued 
decrees called capitularies to all parts of his realm. 

Charlemagne's Efforts to Improve Learning. The 
great monarch, however, even before becoming emperor, 
had realized that a genuine unity of his people could be 
brought about only through the inner life by means of a 
common language, culture, and set of ideas. To pro- 
duce this, he felt that a revival of learning was necessary, 
and sought to spread such of the Roman culture as had 
been preserved. By the latter half of the eighth cen- 
tury there had been a great loss in knowledge and 
education. The Gallic learning of the fifth and sixth 
centuries was disappearing, the copying of manuscripts 
had almost ceased, and the monastic and cathedral 
schools had been sadly disrupted. Charlemagne reveals 
the conditions of the times in writing the Abbot of 
Fulda : 

"We have frequently received letters from monks and in them 
have recognized correct sentiments, but an uncouth style and lan- 
guage. The sentiments inspired in them by their devotion to us 
they could not express correctly, because they had neglected the 
study of language. Therefore, we have begun to fear lest, just as 
the monks appear to have lost the art of writing, so also they may 
have lost the ability to understand the Holy Scriptures ; and we all 
know that, though mistakes in words are dangerous, mistakes in un- 
derstanding are still more so." 

A similar lack of education seems to have prevailed 
among the ' secular ' 1 clergy, the nobility, and most 
others who might have been expected to be trained, 
ilthough the leading churchmen must still have had, 
beside their knowledge of ecclesiastical Latin, some 
acquaintance with the classical authors and the compila- 
tions of the seven liberal arts by Boethius, Cassiodorus, 
and Isidore. Evidently Charlemagne had a keen sense 
of the situation, and he made every effort to improve it. 
To assist him in his endeavors, he summoned the lead- 

1 This term was used of the clergy, priests, bishops, etc., given to 
parochial and other duties in society. They lived in the world (saculum), 
as opposed to the monastic or ' regular ' clergy, who lived according to 
rule (regula). 



the Palace 
School, at 
which he 

and his 
family and 

ing scholars of the day. His father's educational ad- 
viser, Peter of Pisa, was already with him, and through 
him he secured the services of Paul the Deacon, a prom- 
inent scholar of Lombardy. But more influential than 
either of these was Alcuin (735-800), whom Charle- 
magne called in 782 from the headship of the famous 
cathedral school at York to be his chief minister of 
education. This school had become, perhaps, the most 
prominent center in Europe, since, as we have noted, 1 
learning had reached its height in England after it had 
largely vanished from the Continent, and Alcuin became 
the means of renewing the Graeco-Roman training. 
Peter was growing very old and Paul was unpractical, 
and both of these refined Lombards were jealous of the 
Prankish supremacy and showed themselves out of sym- 
pathy with the rude and boorish warriors of Frankland. 
Neither objection held of Alcuin, for Anglo-Saxon inter- 
ests were quite removed from the interference of the 
Franks, and Alcuin had, through a previous acquaint- 
ance, come to be a great admirer of Charlemagne and 
his achievements. Moreover, he was just enough older 
so that the impetuous monarch was willing to listen to 
his advice with grace. Through this English scholar, 
Charlemagne revived the monastic, cathedral, and par- 
ish schools, 2 and had a new higher institution, known as 
the Palace School, started at the head of his educational 

Alcuin and the Palace School. We may properly 
consider first the last named institution. It was soon 
organized at the court of the great king by Alcuin and 
the three teachers he had brought from York. 3 Charle- 
magne himself studied here under the Saxon educator, 
and with him his queen, his three sons and two daugh- 
ters, his sister, son-in-law, and three cousins, and various 

1 See pp. 7-8. 

2 For an account of these types of schools, see Graves, History of Edu- 
cation before the Middle Ages, pp. 281, 286, and 294. 

8 According to Maitre, this school had existed for several generations, 
but was given a new life by Alcuin. 


prominent ecclesiastics and scholars of Frankland, in- 
cluding his biographer, Einhard. Alcuin must have but adapted 
found that a somewhat different mode of teaching was his method 
necessary with the adults from the formal one used with the age"of 
the more plastic minds. As in the monastic schools, 1 his P u P ils - 
the plan for instructing the youth was the 'catechetical' 
method, in which a definite answer was arranged for 
each of a fixed set of questions. Usually the replies 
were learned and given by the pupil, although originally 
the teacher indicated the proper answers. This is shown 
in the following selection from The Disputation of Pip- 
pin, which is supposed to have taken place when that 
prince was about sixteen : 

" PIPPIN. ' What produces speech ? ' ALCUIN. * The tongue.' 

P. ' What is the tongue ? ' A. ' The whip of the air.' 

P. ' What is air ? ' A. ' The guardian of life.' 

P. ' What is life ? ' A. ' The joy of the good, the sorrow of 

the evil, the expectation of death.'" 


"P. ' What is rain ?' A. <The reservoir of the earth, the 
mother of fruits.' 

P. 'What is frost? ' A. 'A persecutor of plants, a destroyer 
of leaves, a fetter of the earth, a fountain of water.' 

P. What is snow ? ' A. ' Dry water.' " * 

But a more discursive method must have been em- 
ployed in the Palace School with the older people, who 
could not memorize as rapidly and would not be as will- 
ing to regard the instructor as a final authority. Cer- 
tainly the vigorous Charlemagne, with his eagerness 
and curiosity for learning, can hardly be thought of as 
tamely submitting to Alcuin without disputation and 
suggestion, and at times even attempts to prove that 
scholar inconsistent. Often he seems to have strained 
the patience of his tactful master, and occasionally led 
to a mild rebuke. 

Among the subjects taught in the Palace School seem 

1 See p. 19. 

2 For the rest of the naive metaphorical explanations of this colloquy, 
see Alcuini Opera, Migne, C. I., 975, seqq., quoted by Mombert, Charles 
the Great, pp. 244-245. 


He there 
taught gram- 
mar, rhetoric, 
and theology. 

also issued 
to the abbots 
and bishops, 
and thus re- 
vived or 
schools at 
the monas- 
teries, cathe- 
drals, and 

to have been grammar, including some study of the 
Latin poets and the writings of the Church Fathers, 
rhetoric, dialectic, arithmetic, astronomy, and theology, 
but Alcuin appears to have had but little command of 
the Greek learning, except in translation. Charlemagne 
had previously learned grammar from Peter of Pisa, 
and he now acquired from Alcuin the higher branches. 
According to Einhard, "he spoke foreign languages 
beside his own tongue, and was so proficient in Latin 
that he used it as easily as his own language. Greek 
he could understand better than he could speak. He 
was devoted to the liberal arts." This may be some- 
what doubtful, but we may well believe the pathetic 
picture : "He tried to learn to write, keeping his tablets 
under the pillow of his couch to practice on in his leisure 
hours. But he never succeeded very well, because he 
began too late in life." 

Educational Improvement in the Monastic and Other 
Schools. Nor did Charlemagne limit his endeavors to 
educating kimself and his relatives and friends. Be- 
sides establishing the Palace School, he undertook to 
revive the monastic, cathedral, and parish schools. 
With the cooperation of Alcuin, he did everything 
within his power to increase facilities and improve 
standards. In 787 he issued an educational capitulary 
to the abbots of all the monasteries, of which the copy 
sent to Fulda has come down to us. After reproving 
the monks for their illiteracy in the words already 
quoted, 1 he writes : 

" Therefore, we urge you to be diligent in the pursuit of learning, 
and to strive with humble and devout minds to understand more 
fully the mysteries of the Holy Scriptures. For it is well known 
that the sacred writings contain many rhetorical figures, the spiritual 
meaning of which will be readily apprehended only by those who 
have been instructed in the study of letters. And let those men be 
chosen for this work who are able and willing to learn and who have 
the desire to teach others, and let them apply themselves with a 
zeaJ equaling the earnestness with which we recommend it to them." 

1 See quotation on p. 27. 


In apparently the same year that Charlemagne sent 
out this capitulary, it is stated that " he brought with 
him from Rome into Frankland masters in grammar 
and reckoning, and everywhere ordered the expansion 
of the study of letters." Two years later he wrote a 
more urgent capitulary to the abbots and bishops, in 
which he specified the subjects to be taught in the mo- 
nastic and cathedral schools and the care to be taken in 
teaching them. Moreover, the missi of Charlemagne 
were instructed to see that the provisions of these capitu- 
laries and other educational efforts were carried out to 
the letter, and there is evidence for believing that the 
instructions were generally obeyed by the abbots and 
bishops. Schools seem to have been everywhere re- 
vived or established for the first time in the various 
monasteries, cathedrals, and villages, and the instruction 
at such places as Tours, Fulda, Corbie, Bee, Orleans, 
and Hirschau became famous. To insure this revival, 
according to the Monk of St. Gall, the monarch ordered 
that only those most interested in learning and edu- 
cation should be appointed to important dioceses and 

The Course of Study and the Organization in the 
Schools. All the monastic and cathedral schools of 
Frankland thus came to offer at least a complete ele- 
mentary course, and some added considerable work in 
higher education. Reading, writing, computation, sing- 
ing, and the Scriptures were taught first, but, beyond 
this, instruction in grammar, rhetoric, and dialectic was 
often given, and in the more famous monasteries the 
quadrivium also appeared in the course. The schools 
in the villages, under the care of the parish priests, 
furnished only elementary subjects. In these schools, 
besides the rudiments, were taught the Lord's prayer, 
the creed, and the Psalms. 

Tuition was free in all schools for those intending to 
become monks or priests, but for the higher work a 
small fee was sometimes paid by the laity. As a rule, 
elementary education was gratuitous and open to all. 

The elemen- 
tary subjects 
were every- 
where taught, 
and some- 
times also 
the trivium 
and quad- 

Tuition was 
free, uni- 
versal, and 
almost com- 


In 796 Alcuin 
retired to the 
monastery of 
Tours, where 
he estab- 
lished a 
model mo- 
nastic school, 

and had a 
wide educa- 
tional influ- 

This is shown to have been the case in the diocese of 
Orleans, if we may judge from the episcopal letter of 
Theodulf, which requires that " the priests hold schools 
in the towns and villages, and if any of the faithful wish 
to intrust their children to them for the learning of 
letters, let them not refuse to receive and teach such 
children. . . . And let them exact no price from the 
children for their teaching, nor receive anything from 
them, save what the parents may offer voluntarily and 
from affection." Indeed, Charlemagne almost makes 
elementary education compulsory by decreeing in his 
capitulary of 802 that " every one should send his son 
to study letters and that the child should remain at 
school with all diligence until he should become well in- 
structed in learning." 

The School of Alcuin at the Monastery of Tours. 
After fourteen years of strenuous service, Alcuin was 
anxious to retire from the active headship of the school 
system, with its difficulties and discouragements. To 
this desire his royal master yielded and made him abbot 
of the monastery of St. Martin at Tours, the oldest and 
most wealthy J in Frankland. But even here his edu- 
cational work did not cease. He soon established a 
model house of learning and education, whither there 
flocked to him the brightest youthful minds in the 
empire. As these rapidly became prominent as teachers 
and churchmen, Alcuin's influence came to be even 
wider than before, and the standard of learning in all 
the schools was greatly raised. 

At this center he introduced the deepest learning in 
the Scriptures and liberal arts, and wrote a number of 
educational works, mostly along the lines laid down by 
Augustine, Cassiodorus, Isidore, and Baeda. 2 Further, 
through a large correspondence with kings and the 
higher clergy, during the eight years that intervened 
before his death, his influence was extended for several 

1 The Archbishop of Toledo is known to have reproached Alcuin with 
being the master of twenty thousand slaves. 
3 See pp. 15-17 and 38. 



generations and reached to lands beyond the Carolingian 
sway. Alcuin, however, was by nature conservative and 
timid, and with his retirement from the world and the 
near approach of death, he became decidedly set and 
narrow. His fear of the dialectic and the more advanced 
views of certain Irish scholars, " with their versatility in 
everything and their sure knowledge of nothing," who 
were drifting into Frankland, is almost ludicrous. He 
advises Theodulf, the new head of the Palace School, 
to hold to the 'old wine,' and urges the emperor to 
secure vigorous exponents of the old faith, lest the 
heresy spread. " You have by you," he writes, " the 
tomes of both secular learning and of the Church's 
wisdom, wherein the true answers will be found to all 
your inquiries." Similarly, he was inclined to counsel 
his pupils against the classic poets, even Vergil, his 
former favorite, saying : " The sacred poets are enough 
for you ; you have no need to weaken your minds with 
the rank luxuriance of Vergil's verse." But while he 
became thus ascetic and hostile toward anything new, 
this is not remarkable under the circumstances, and he 
must be credited until the last with the highest ideals, 
the greatest energy, and even a certain breadth of 

Rabanus Maurus and Other Pupils of Alcuin. While 
at the death of Alcuin practically all positions of educa- 
tional importance were held by his pupils, the monastic 
school of Fulda was destined under Rabanus Maurus 
(776-856) to become the great center of learning. 
Rabanus was probably the most esteemed pupil of 
Alcuin, 1 and in many ways he was a man of broader 
gauge than his master. While he wrote even more 
prolifically than Alcuin upon grammar, language, and 
theology, he did not cling to the traditional subjects, 
and was not afraid to emphasize the new training in 
dialectic. Moreover, he enriched the formal study of 
grammar by a genuine training in literature, and advo- 

1 Alcuin gave him his surname, taking it from St. Maur, the most be- 
loved disciple of Benedict. 


but became 
set and nar- 

Alcuin 's 
Maurus of 
Fulda, con- 
tinued and 
advanced his 
ideals, con- 
tent, and 



while the 
Irish learn- 
ing was 
added under 
the master- 
ship of 
Erigena at 
the Palace 

cated the reading of the classic poets. Through his 
influence, too, the mathematical subjects of the curricu- 
lum were expanded into considerably more than the 
calculation of Church festivals, and he even made bold 
to ascribe all phenomena to natural laws, rather than to 
some mysterious cause. Thus he became a forerunner 
of the later movement of scholasticism. 

The pupils of Rabanus were even more numerous 
than those of Alcuin, and but few scholars or teachers 
of the next generation are not to be attributed to Fulda. 
However, the great scholar of East Frankland but con- 
tinued the influence of his master in the West, and it 
would be difficult to separate the part played by each. 
Further, there was mingled with the Alcuinian growth 
the cross-fertilization of Irish learning. This came to 
Frankland especially through the mastership of Joannes 
Scotns Erigena (8 1 0-876) l at the Palace School in the 
middle of the ninth century. Thus during this century 
and the first half of the next, through the political tran- 
quillity brought about by the Carolingians, there arose a 
marked revival in education. Most of the monasteries 
of the Continent and England for several generations 
enthusiastically supported schools and fostered learning. 
Curricula were expanded, and many famous scholars 
appeared. Theological discussions and other evidences 
of renewed intellectual activity sprang up. Owing to 
the weakness of Charlemagne's successors, the attacks 
of the Northmen, and the general disorder of the empire, 
learning gradually faded once more. But while the re- 
sults of the revival are somewhat disappointing, intellec- 
tual stagnation never again prevailed. It is clear that 
even in the period of retrogression between the end of 
Charlemagne's influence and the greater activity of 
scholasticism, some educational traditions must have 
survived. Through the revival of the great Frankish 
monarch the classical learning was recalled to conti- 
nental Europe from its insular asylum in the extreme 

1 See pp. 49-50 and 51. 




ALCUIN. Opera Omnia (emendata cura et studio Froebenii). 

EINHARD. Life of Charlemagne. 

HENDERSON, E. F. Historical Documents of the Middle Ages. 

Book II. 
JAFFE, P. Monumenta Alcuiniana (Bibliotheca Rerum Germani- 

carum, VI). 
RABANUS MAURUS. Opera Omnia (Migne, Patrologia Latina, 


ROBINSON, J. H. Readings in Etiropean History. Vol. I, Chap. VII. 
THATCHER AND McNEAL. A Source Book for Mediceval History. 

Pp. 26-60. 


ABEL AND SIMSON. Jahrbucher des Frankischen Retches unter 
Karl den Grossen. Band II. 

ADAMS, G. B. Civilization during the Middle Ages. Chaps. VII 
and VIII. 

ADAMSON, R. Alcuin (article in Dictionary of National Biog- 

BARNARD, H. German Teachers and Educators. 

DRANE, A. T. Christian Schools and Scholars. Chaps. V and VI. 

GASKOIN, C. J. C. Alcuin, His Life and His Work. 

HENDERSON, E. F. A Short History of Germany. Vol. I, Chap. II. 

LAURIE, S. S. Rise and Constitution of Universities. Lect. III. 

LORENZ, F. Life of Alcuin (translated by Jane Mary Slee). 

MOMBERT, J. I. A History of Charles the Great. 

MONNIER, F. Alcuin et Charlemagne. 

MULLINGER, J. B. The Schools of Charles the Great. 

TOWNSEND, W. J. The Great Schoolmen of the Middle Ages, 
Chap. II. 

WEST, A. F. Alcuin and the Rise of Christian Schools. 


After im- 
proving the 
of his coun- 
try, Alfred 
of Wessex 
undertook a 
of educa- 
tional condi- 


A WORK for education similar to Charlemagne's and 
possibly inspired by it was that of Alfred the Great 
(848-901), king of the West Saxons. It was, however, 
on a smaller scale, and was more personal and local in 
character. In Britain for several centuries there had 
been continual warfare between the various tribal king- 
doms established by the Angles, Saxons, and Jutes, 
until in 827 all had been brought under the overlordship 
of Wessex. But a little later the Northmen, or ' Danes,' 
as they were called by the Anglo-Saxons, conquered all 
the country north of the Thames, and were prevented 
from extending their sway into Wessex only by Alfred, 
who had come to the throne in 871. This monarch, 
however, instead of attempting to reestablish the su- 
premacy of Wessex, devoted his energies to developing 
the realms that remained to him. 

Alfred's Desire to Extend and Improve Education. 
After the fashion of Charlemagne, Alfred improved the 
political administration of his country, displaying great 
breadth and sagacity, but his chief resemblance to the 
Prankish emperor rests on his interest in education. 
Just before his reign began, learning in England appears 
to have sadly retrograded since the days of Alcuin, and 
Wessex was probably the most ignorant kingdom in 
that land. But few lettered men were left, even in the 
more cultured towns. Alfred writes : 

" So general became the decay of learning in England that there 
were very few on this side of the Humber who could understand the 
Church service in English, or translate a letter from Latin into Eng- 
lish ; and I believe that there were not many beyond the Humber 
who could do these things. There were so few, in fact, that I cannot 
remember a single person south of the Thames when I came to the 



Alfred desired to lift this incubus of ignorance from 
his people. He expressed the wish " that all free-born 
youth now in England, who are rich enough to be able 
to devote themselves to it, be set to learn as long as they 
are not fit for any other occupation, until they are well 
able to read English writing; and those afterwards be 
taught more in the Latin language who are to continue 
learning, and be promoted to a higher rank." 

The Establishment of Schools and the Importation of 
Educators. To carry out this ideal, Alfred encouraged 
many schools at the monasteries. He also had the 
schools in general improved and increased in number, 
and personally supervised a Palace School for the edu- 
cation of his sons, " the children of almost all the nobility 
of the country, and many who were not noble." Here 
the pupils were taught reading and writing, both in 
Latin and Saxon, and acquired the Psalms, Saxon poetry 
and other literature, and some of the liberal arts. 

However, with the exception of the Welsh bishop and 
chronicler, Asser, there were scarcely any men in the 
kingdom of sufficient education to aid him. But Asser 
tells us : 

"God at that time, as some relief to the king's anxiety, yielding 
to his complaint, sent certain lights to illuminate him, namely, Wer- 
frith, bishop of the church of Worcester, . . . Plegmund, a Mercian 
by birth, archbishop of Canterbury; Ethelstan and Werwulf, his 
priests and chaplains, also Mercians by birth. These four had been 
invited from Mercia by King Alfred, who exalted them with many 
honors and powers in the kingdom of the West Saxons. . . . But 
the king's commendable desire could not be gratified even in this ; 
wherefore he sent messengers beyond the sea to Gaul, to procure 
teachers, and he invited from them Grimbald, priest and monk, a 
venerable man and good singer, adorned with every kind of ecclesi- 
astical training and good morals, and most learned in the holy 
Scriptures. He also obtained John, priest and monk, a man of most 
energetic talents, and learned in all kinds of literary science and 
skilled in many other arts." 

Thus, curiously enough, as Charlemagne had resorted 
to Lombardy and York, Alfred went to the Continent 
for men of reputation, to help in improving the schools. 
Grimbald was drawn from the Flemish monastery at 

To make 
and afford 
some higher 
Alfred im- 
proved and 
the schools 
in general, 
and super- 
vised a 
School ; 

and, beside 
certain Met. 
cians, he 
from the 
such as 
and John 
the Old 


He also 
the best 
books of the 

Thus Alfred 
greatly in- 
creased the 
for school- 

St. Omer to become Abbot of Winchester, and John the 
Old Saxon was invited from Corbie to take charge of 
the new monastery and school established at Athelney. 

Alfred's Personal Assistance to Learning and Educa- 
tion. Of course old works were recovered and new 
texts were prepared for the work in the schools, but the 
most striking contribution to educational facilities was 
the translations made by Alfred himself. He attempted 
to open up to the pupils and the people at large the 
learning and information that had previously been con- 
fined to the clergy and nobility, and to that end ren- 
dered from Latin into English the best books of the 
time. For example, he translated into the vernacular 
the Consolations of Philosophy of Boethius, the Univer- 
sal History of the World, compiled by Orosius, the His- 
tory of the Church in England, written by Baeda, and 
the Pastoral Charge of Pope Gregory the Great. 1 

These works, chosen as the leading productions of 
the day, afford a concrete example of the lamentable 
way in which knowledge and culture had, through a 
lack of interest, declined since the day of Rome. 2 For- 
tunately, Alfred was an editor as well as a translator, 
and by abridging at times, expanding at others, and com- 
menting throughout, he added a spice, enthusiasm, and 
intelligibility to each work that was entirely his own. 
Through him, too, the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle was com- 
piled, in order that the people might become acquainted 
in the vernacular with the history of their own country. 

Significance of Alfred's Educational Work. In these 
ways Alfred gave a new impulse to education among 
the West Saxons and elsewhere in England, very much 
as Charlemagne had upon the Continent He greatly 
increased the opportunities for schooling, restored much 

1 Plummet undertakes to show to what extent each of these was the 
work of Alfred himself. See Alfred the Great, pp. 140-196. 

2 If Alfred had known Herodotus, Thucydides, Livy, and Tacitus, he 
would have preferred their works to the dreary compend of Orosius. So 
he would have found Plato, Aristotle, Seneca, and Epictetus preferable to 
the decadent philosophy of Boethius. 


of the old learning, opened the best Latin works of the and restored 
day to his people, and produced the first prose writings 
in England. He thus helped on the day of awakening, 
for, while the mediaeval turmoil and narrowness ruled 
supreme for some centuries after his day, conditions in 
England were never as dark again. 



ASSER. Annales sElfredi (translated by E. Conybeare). 
CHEYNEY, E. P. Readings in English History. Chap. V, II. 
GILES, J. A. Six Old English Chroniclers. Pp. 51-77. 
STEVENSON, J. (Translator). Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. 
THORPE, B. Ancient Laws and Institutes of England (edited by 


ADAMS, G. B. Civilization during the Middle Ages. Chap. VIII. 

BOWKER, A. (Editor). Alfred the Great. By Harrison, Oman, 
Earle, Pollock, and others. 

CONYBEARE, E. Alfred in the Chroniclers. 

GILES, J. A. Life and Times of Alfred the Great. 

GREEN, J. R. A Short History of the English People. Chap. I. 

GREEN, J. R. The Conquest of England. Chap. IV. 

HUNT, W. The English Church (597-1066). Chap. XII. 

MORLEY, H. English Writers. Vol. II, Chap. XII. 

PAULI, R. Life of Alfred the Great (translated by Thorpe). 

PLUMMER, C. The Life and Times of Alfred the Great. Espe- 
cially Lectures V and VI. 

RANSOME, C. An Advanced History of England. Chap. yi. 

TRAILL, H. D. (Editor). Social England. Vol. I. 

TURNER, S. History of the Anglo-Saxons. Especially Vol. IV, 
Bk. V. 


founded by 
who was 

with Greek 
learning in 


The Rise of Moslemism and Its Absorption of Greek 
Culture. One of the most important influences in 
awakening mediaeval Europe was the revival of learning 
and education that came through the advent of the Mos- 
lems into Spain. In the early part of the seventh cen- 
tury, when Moslemism first appeared, one would hardly 
suppose that it could become a means of renewing edu- 
cation. The founder of this religion, Muhammed, or 
Mohammed, was almost illiterate, and the revelations that 
he claimed to have received were for nearly a generation 
handed down by tradition. The Koran, or sacred book 
of this faith, was not committed to writing until about 
650. It appears to be a curious jumble of the Judaistic, 
Christian, and other religious elements with which Mo- 
hammed had become acquainted during his early travels. 

As long as this religion was confined to the ignorant 
and unreflecting tribes of Arabia, it served its purpose 
without modification, but when it spread into Syria and 
other cultured lands, 1 it came in contact with Greek 
philosophy, and had to be interpreted in those terms, in 
order to appeal to the people there. Antioch, Edessa, 
Nisibis, and other places in Syria had become famous 
for the Greek learning cultivated by their catechetical 
schools. These schools had grown up during the third 
and fourth centuries through the expulsion from the 
Eastern Church of those who had amalgamated the 

1 During the ten years that elapsed between Mohammed's famous hegira 
(' flight ') from Mecca in 622, and his death, the whole of Arabia was con- 
verted, and under the caliphs ('representatives '), who immediately suc- 
ceeded him as head of the religion, it was spread by the sword over Persia, 
Syria, and Egypt. 


Greek philosophy with their Christianity. 1 The acces- 
sion of the followers of Nestorius, whose Hellenized 
theology had in 43 1 been proscribed by the Council of 
Ephesus, 2 very greatly increased the importance of these 
cities, as intellectual centers. Here, from about the 
middle of the sixth century, the Nestorian Christians 
accumulated, in addition to the translations that were 
already there, a large range of the original Greek treatises 
on philosophy, science, and medicine. The works of 
Aristotle and Neoplatonism were especially sought, and, 
by the middle of the seventh century, when the Moham- 
medans came in contact with the Nestorians, these 
Christians had already become thoroughly imbued with 
the spirit of Hellenism. In order to make converts to 
Moslemism, a syncretism of this faith with Hellenism 
was necessary. Within a century, through the Nestorian 
scholars, the Mohammedans began to render into Arabic 
from the Syriac, or from the original Greek, the works 
of the great philosophers, mathematicians, and physi- 
cians. During the next two hundred years the move- 
ment continued to grow, and by the tenth century such 
Mohammedan cities as Damascus, Bagdad, Basra, and 
Kufa were renowned for their learning. 

It was this interest in Greek learning that impelled 
the head of the Moslem religion, the caliph Almaimon, 
early in the ninth century to beg the emperor at Con- 
stantinople to allow Leo the mathematician to come to 
Bagdad, saying: 

" Do not let 

where the 
schools and 
had taken 
refuge. . 

ion or of country cause you to refuse 

diversity of religion 

my request. Do what friendship would concede to a friend. la 
return, I offer you a hundred weight of gold, a perpetual alliance 
and peace." 

1 An account of these catechetical schools is given in Graves, History 
of Education before the Middle Ages, Chap. XIV. 

2 Nestorius was Patriarch of Constantinople from 428 to 431, and his 
especial antagonist was the notorious Cyril, Patriarch of Alexandria, who 
was largely influenced by jealousy. For an account of this controversy, 
see Rainy, The Ancient Catholic Church (New York, 1902), pp. 376- 


The Syrian 
also ab- 
sorbed learn- 
ing from 
other people, 
and wrote 
upon mathe- 
matics, medi- 
cine, phi- 
losophy, and 
theology ; 
the chief of 
their works 
being the 
dia of the 
Brothers of 

But the 
masses of the 
were sus- 
oicious of 

Thus the thinkers in the Moslem schools of Syria 
undertook to root out the supernatural from the Moslem 
religion and to render its tenets more reasonable. A 
mysticism not unlike that of the Christian Gnostics 
resulted, and the Neoplatonism, as well as the Aristo- 
telianism, of the Nestorians received a new lease of life. 

The Brothers of Sincerity and their Scheme of Higher 
Education. But besides the Greek science and philos- 
ophy, the Arabs absorbed similar matter from other 
peoples, such as the Hindu mathematical learning, and 
added many new ideas of their own. Among the 
Moslems arose such scholars as Avicenna (980-1037), 
who wrote many treatises on mathematics and philosophy, 
and a System, of Medicine that was an authority for five 
centuries, and A Igazzali (1058-1111), whose philosophi- 
cal and theological productions were most numerous and 
influential. The combination of Moslemism with Greek 
philosophy was especially embodied in an Encyclopedia, 
or course of study, formulated about the year 1000. The 
resulting system was arranged at Basra by the Moslem 
society that called itself the Brothers of Sincerity. It 
presupposed an elementary training, and may thus be 
regarded as the higher education of the Mohammedans. 
It is composed of fifty-one treatises grouped under the 
four general heads of Propaedeutics, Natural Science, 
Metaphysics, and Theology. These treatises deal at 
first with concrete subjects, and then with the more 
complicated problems of life, until the theories of divine 
law are reached. Under this last head there is given a 
dogmatic exposition of the Moslem faith, and in this 
feature the Encyclopaedia differs radically from all Greek 
philosophy. Nevertheless, it is probably the best attempt 
at a harmonization of philosophy with revelation, and is 
the one complete educational system that the mediaeval 
world affords. 

If the Brothers of Sincerity had succeeded in getting 
the Mohammedans generally to accept their scheme, 
modern civilization would probably have been hastened 
by several centuries. But the masses of the superstitious 


and fatalistic Arabs were as suspicious as the mediaeval 
Christians of the Greek learning, and toward the end of 
the eleventh century the Hellenic scholarship and educa- 
tion, and the rationalized theology of the Brothers of 
Sincerity were driven from the Orient. Fortunately, it 
was able to find refuge in the more liberal caliphates of 
Africa and Spain, where the Mohammedans had settled 
after their repulse from Frankland in the eighth century. 1 
Here the Encyclopaedia and other works had a large 
influence not only upon the Arabs of the West, who 
were known as Moors, but upon the later Jewish thinkers 
and the Christians. Among the Moorish writers was 
the celebrated Averroes (1126-1198), who undertook to 
unite the doctrines of Aristotle with those of Moslemism. 2 
Throughout the Middle Ages he was the authoritative 
' commentator ' on the great philosopher. 

The Moorish Colleges. The stimulus thus given to 
higher education led to the founding of great schools at 
Cordova, Granada, Toledo, Seville, Alexandria, Cairo, 
and elsewhere by the Moors. At these places, during 
the eleventh century, when in the Christian schools of 
the East and West alike learning was at a very low ebb, 
the Mohammedans were teaching arithmetic, geometry, 
trigonometry, physics, astronomy, biology, medicine, 
surgery, logic, metaphysics, and jurisprudence. These 
Moorish institutions were colleges in the literal sense, for 
the students lived in them together with the professors. 
Through these colleges the highest spirit of culture and 
investigation flourished. The sciences were greatly 
advanced, Arabic 3 notation was introduced in place of 
the cumbersome Roman numerals, many inventions and 
discoveries were made, and practical achievements, like 
navigation, exploration, commerce, and industries, were 

Greek learn- 
ing, and the 
theology of 
the Brothers 
of Sincerity 
was driven, 
from the 
Orient into 
Africa and 

where were 
founded the 
Moorish col- 
leges, with 
their courses 
in mathemat- 
ics, sciences, 
and philoso- 

1 Karl Martel had checked their advance by the battle of Tours in 732. 
See p. 25. 

2 For a most complete account of Arabic metaphysics, see Kenan's 
Averroes et r Averrdisme. 

3 It has long been called ' Arabk ' from the source of its introduction 
into Europe, but the Arabs, of course, got it first from the Hindus. 



The Mos- 
lems also 
where the 
religion, and 
science were 

The Moslem 
colleges and 
learning in 
the Christian 
schools, and 
Aristotle into 
once more. 

developed. Hence Draper is naturally led " to deplore 
the systematic manner in which the literature of Europe 
has contrived to put out of sight our scientific obligations 
to the Mohammedans." And it was in the colleges of 
the Moors that the mediaeval Christians afterward found 
a model for their universities. It would, indeed, be 
difficult to overestimate the remarkable influence of the 
Moorish development upon European civilization. 

Elementary Education. But the Mohammedans, both 
of the East and the West, did not limit themselves to 
higher education. Elementary schools for both boys and 
girls sprang up in practically all cities and towns that 
came under their influence. Children went to school at 
five. If they belonged to a poorer family, they remained 
only three years, when they went into some trade or 
industry, but children of the wealthy attended schooj 
until they were fourteen, and, wherever it was possible, 
they were encouraged to travel with a tutor. These 
elementary schools taught religion, reading, writing, 
grammar, versification, arithmetic, and geography. The 
chief reading-book was the Koran, but, as Draper shows, 
they must have taught geography by means of globes, 
while the Church doctrine of Rome and Constantinople 
was still asserting that the earth is flat. 

Stimulating Effect upon Europe of the Moslem Edu- 
cation. These Mohammedan schools, especially the 
higher, naturally proved a great stimulus to education 
in the West. While learning had now largely disap- 
peared from the Christian schools of the East, in those 
of Western Europe, through the example of the Mos- 
lems, it began to revive. By the middle of the twelfth 
century, Raymund, Archbishop of Toledo, had the chief 
Arabic treatises on philosophy translated into Castilian 
by a learned Jew, and then into Latin by the monks ; 
while Frederick II, head of the Holy Roman Empire, 
had scholars render the works of the Aristotelian com- 
mentator, Averroes, into Latin. Such translations had, 
however, passed through several media, and, in conse- 
quence, were not at all accurate. Renan describes one 


rendering of Averroes as "a Latin translation of a 
Hebrew translation of a commentary on an Arabic 
translation of a Syriac translation of a Greek text of 
Aristotle." But stimulated by this taste of the Greek 
learning, the Christians sought a more immediate version. 
Half a century later, when the Venetians took the city of 
Constantinople, and the works of Aristotle were re- 
covered in the original, the Western world hastened to 
have translations made directly into Latin. 

But during the thirteenth century the orthodox 
Mohammedans overwhelmed the Hellenized Moslemism 
and came to control even in Spain, and it was left to the 
Christian schools and the Jewish philosophers to continue 
the work of the Moslem scholars and institutions. Mos- 
lemism had returned to its primitive stage, but it had 
brought back learning, especially the works of Aristotle, 
to Christendom, and a worthy mission for progress was 
thereby performed. Thus the Grseco-Roman learning, 
which had been driven out of Europe by orthodox 
Christianity, found its way back through the Moham- 
medans, and the circular process was complete. As the 
classical learning had been restored from the West 
during the revival of Charlemagne, it returned from its 
refuge in the East through the movement of the Sara- 
cens. 1 

After the 
dans came 
into control 
in Spain, 
returned to 
its primitive 
stage, but it 
had brought 
learning back 
to Chris- 




LANE, E. W. Selections from the Koran. 

MULLER, MAX. Sacred Books of the East. Vols. VI and IX. 


ADAMS, G. B. Civilization during the Middle Ages. Chap. XI. 
ARNOLD, J. M. Islam : Its History, Character, and Relation to 

BOSWORTH-SMITH, R. Mohammed and Mohammedanism. 

1 The influence of the Moors and their scholarship will be more patent 
after a study of scholasticism and the universities. See Chapters VI and 


COPPEE, H. History of the Conquest of Spain by the Arab-Moors. 

Especially Bk. X. 
DAVIDSON, T. The Brothers of Sincerity (in International Journal 

of Ethics, July, 1898). 
DRAPER, J. W. History of the Intellectual Development of Europe. 

Vol. I, Chaps. XI and XIII, and Vol. II, Chaps. II and IV. 
FREEMAN, E. A. History and Conquests of the Saracens. 
MuiR, W. The Rise and Decline of Islam. 
NEALE, F. Rise and Progress of Islam. 
SCOTT, S. P. History of the Moorish Empire in Europe. 
STOBART, J. W. H. Islam. 
WEIL, G. Geschichte der Islamtiischen Vdlktr. 



WE must now turn to a consideration of the mediaeval 
philosophy and its effects upon education. Like most 
other periods of civilization, the Middle Ages made some 
attempt to formulate its attitude toward the problems of 
life. Its two chief methods have been generally known The two me- 

as ' mysticism ' and ' scholasticism.' These methods diaevai f th - 

i 11 " s * P nl ~ 

were, in a way, opposed to each other. Mysticism, the losophy are 

earlier movement, was emotional and immediate, while ^^ c ^ m - 
scholasticism, which did not reach its height until toward and-schoias- 
the close of the Middle Ages, was rather intellectual tlclsm -' 
and mediate in method. Yet the later mystics, in the 
end, borrowed the dialectic of the scholastics, while 
apparently most hostile to it, and, during the twelfth 
and thirteenth centuries the two methods coalesced. 

The Nature and Rise of Christian Mysticism. The Mysticism is 
prior method, mysticism, may be described as an effort ^ci direct* 
to grasp through intuition the ultimate reality or the communion 
Divine essence, and thus obtain direct communion with wth God- 
the highesj:. To the mystic, God is an experience, not 
an object of reason ; and his religion stresses the reali- 
zation of the Divine to such an extent that the individual 
shall lose himself therein, and all relations save that 
between himself and God become comparatively unreal. 
Mysticism is a life of contemplation and devout com- 
munion, and usually appears in history when a religion 
has begun to harden into formulae and ceremonial, and 
constitutes a reaction of spirit against letter. Thus it it arose in 
arose in Christianity from much the same causes as a s h a is r eact!on 
monasticism, the vice and corruption of the Roman of spirit 
world, the growing secularization of the Church, and the a s amst letter - 


4 8 


It appeared 
early, but it 
was upon the 
principles of 
Plotinus and 
the Pseudo- 
that medi- 
aeval mysti- 
cism based 
its training. 

demand for more immediate religious experiences. Most 
mystics were also monks, but mysticism constantly re- 
curred without reference to monasticism and endured 
far beyond the monastic period. 1 Mysticism appeared 
in Christianity as early as the writings of the disciple 
John, the apostle Paul, and the first Christian Fathers, 
but it was upon the principles of Plotinus (205-270), 
who is generally regarded as the founder of Neopla- 
tonism, and upon the procedure implied in certain 
mystical writings of the fifth century by the Pseudo- 
Dionysius, 2 that the mediaeval mystics first based their 
training. These works developed a species of esoteric 
Christianity, of which the following summary of Dio- 
nysius may serve to give an idea : 

" All things have emanated from God, and the end of all is return 
to God. Such a deification is the consummation of the creature, that 
God may finally be all in all. The degree of real existence possessed 
by any being is the amount of God in that being for God is the 
existence in all things. The more or less of God which the various 
creatures possess is determined by the proximity of their order to the 
center. The chain of being in the upper and invisible world through 
which the Divine Power diffuses itself in successive gradations is the 
Celestial Hierarchy. The Ecclesiastical Hierarchy is a correspond- 
ing series in the visible world. The (three) orders of Angelic 
natures and of priestly functionaries correspond to each other. The 
highest rank of the former receives illumination immediately from 
God. The lowest of the heavenly imparts divine light to the highest 
of the earthly hierarchy. Each order strives perpetually to approxi- 
mate to that immediately above itself, so that all draw and are drawn 
towards the center God." 8 

1 Mysticism appeared, too, before the day of Christianity in the Brah- 
manic ' absorption ' and the Buddhistic ' nihilism,' in the contemplative 
asceticism of the Essenes, in Plato's doctrine of the 'mystic vision' 
obtained only by speculation, in the esoteric ' knowledge ' of the Gnostics, 
the ecstatic intuition and repudiation of the sensible and material in 
Neoplatonism, and in the syncretism that Philo makes of the Old Testa- 
ment and the Platonic writings. See Graves, History of Education before 
the Middle Ages, pp. 78-79, 188-189, and 283-285. 

2 These forgeries were attributed to Dionysius the Areopagite, who was 
alleged to be a convert of the apostle Paul, and are an accommodation of 
the theosophy of Proclus to the claims of the ecclesiastical hierarchy. 
Read Inge's Christian Mysticism, Chaps. Ill and IV. 

Taken from Vaughn's Hours with the Mystics, pp. 113-115. 



The Education in Mediaeval Mysticism. From such 
Neoplatonic doctrine did the mystics obtain their elabora- 
tion of the Platonic psychology and their educational 
practice. Gradually they came to hold that there are 
three aspects to the soul, the lowest or animal, through 
which it is connected with the body ; next, the httman, 
by which it reasons ; and finally, the superhuman, through 
which there is union with the divine intelligence. There 
are thus three degrees of intensity in soul experience, and 
the highest can be obtained only by withdrawal from 
the world of activity and sensation into that of thought, 
since pure existence, or God, can be reached and grasped 
only through the exclusion of sense. Hence the train- 
ing of the mystics came to include three definite steps, 
and to consist in a most extreme type of discipline. 
First, during the stage of pzirification, one was to clear 
the way by getting rid of the impressions of sense ; then, 
illumination might be obtained through a contest with 
the life within until good deeds were performed by 
habit ; when finally, in the stage of perfection, one might, 
by viewing and assimilating, approximate to the life of 

The Development of Mysticism. It can be seen that 
by the time this analysis of the soul and its training was 
made, the method of the first Christian mystics had 
been greatly changed. Logical gymnastics had come 
to be used to strengthen the mind for the mystic con- 
templation, and the immediacy of the religious experi- 
ence had become reconciled with considerable discussion 
of the stages through which the soul had to pass in 
attaining a vision of the Divine. This transformation 
of mysticism was greatly advanced "by Joannes Scotus 
Erigena (810-876), whom we have seen to have been 
instrumental in introducing dialectics and broader learn- 
ing into Europe. 1 Erigena used the writings of the 
Pseudo-Dionysius as the basis of his own doctrines, but 
to a great extent rejected emanation and pantheism, and 

There were 
held to be 
three aspects 
to the soul, 
animal, hu- 
man, and 
and three 
stages of 
and perfec- 

Thus logical 
came to be 
used to 
the mind for 
the mystic 

1 See p. 34. 


and through 
the later 
Bernard, the 
and Bona- 
came to com- 
bine with 

cism does 
not indicate 
any particu- 
lar doctrines, 
but a pecul- 
iar method 
of the later 

made more of an attempt to describe the intervening 
steps by which the soul reaches the Divine. Three 
centuries later, the monastic reformer Bernard of 
Clairuaux (1091-1153) went further in defining the 
three distinct stages through which reason passes in 
rising to its vision of the Divine, although he still held 
that more exalted than the highest of these is an ecstatic 
state, like that of St. Paul, by means of which one 
suddenly obtains a direct view. Even more minute dis- 
tinctions were recognized, and a more systematic con- 
sideration of mysticism was made in the twelfth century 
by Hugo and Richard of St. Victor?- and in the thir- 
teenth century by Bonaventura? a student of these 
Victorine monks. Six divisions of the soul were dis- 
tinguished, and as many stages in education devised. 

The Character of Scholasticism. This adoption of 
dialectics by mysticism shows how fully it had come to 
combine with the philosophic method known as scholasti- 
cism. The name of this later movement is derived from 
the term doctor scholasticus, which was applied during 
the mediaeval period to the authorized teachers in a 
monastic or episcopal school, for it was among these 
' schoolmen ' that scholasticism started and developed. 
Like mysticism, it does not indicate any one set of doc- 
trines, but is rather a general designation for the pecul- 
iar methods and tendencies of philosophic speculation 
that arose within the Church about the middle of the 
ninth century, came to their height in the twelfth and 
the thirteenth, and declined rapidly during the following 
century. The most striking characteristics of scholasti- 
cism are the narrowness of its field and the thoroughness 
with which it was worked. 

The History of Scholastic Development. Since it was 

1 St. Victor was an Augustinian monastery founded by William of 
Champeaux (see p. 80) at the beginning of the twelfth century, which 
became very influential in awakening piety. It grew very rich, and propa- 
gated similar foundations in Italy, England, Scotland, and Lower Saxony. 

2 For the further development of scholastic mysticism, see Inge's 
Christian Mysticism, pp. 140-148. 


assumed that the Church was in possession of all final 
truth, which had come to it by Divine revelation, the 
aim of the schoolmen at first was to show how these 
doctrines were consistent with each other and in accord- 
ance with reason. In the earliest stages of scholasti- 
cism, however, even this naive supposition that reason 
and dogma were in harmony did not prevent the Church 
from becoming suspicious of any attempt to explain its 
doctrines on the basis of reason. This is obvious in the 
attitude of the Church toward Erigena, who, though 
primarily a mystic, is generally accounted the first of 
the scholastics. His efforts to show that all true philoso- 
phy is identical with Church doctrine met with scant 
favor. 1 It was felt that faith was sufficient and did not 
stand in need of rational defense. 

But Erigena was simply a couple of centuries in ad- 
vance of his time, for the same attitude in Anselm 
(1033-1109) met with the heartiest approval and prob- 
ably led to his promotion in the Church. Anselm be- 
lieved in the accord of reason with dogma, but held that 
faith must precede knowledge and that doubt as a pre- 
liminary step to belief could not be tolerated. His 
position is shown in the full title of his main work, 
Monologue of the Method in which One 'may Account for 
his Faith. He makes among others the following ex- 
plicit statements : 

" I do not seek to know in order that I may believe, but I believe 
in order that I may know." 

"The Christian ought to advance to knowledge through faith, 
not come to faith through knowledge." 

" The proper order demands that we believe the deep things of 
Christian faith before we presume to reason about them." 

If one is not successful in his attempts to understand, 
Anselm holds, let him desist and submit to the will of 
God as manifested in the doctrines of the Church. Such 
a failure, however, he did not deem likely, and he him- 
self spent much time in elucidating the various dogmas, 

1 This conviction that faith and reason were in harmony is apparent as 
early as Clement in the Alexandrian school. 

Its first aim 
was to show 
how the ' re- 
vealed ' doc- 
trines of the 
Church ac- 
corded with 

While in this 
seems to 
have been in 
advance of 
his times. 

Anselm was 
heartily ap- 
proved for 
the same po- 
sition later. 


and Roscel- 
linus began 
the dispute 
between the 
' realists' and 

' Nominal- 
ism ' implied 
the suffi- 
ciency of rea- 
son and was 
thus hereti- 

was mar- 
tyred, but a 
great growth 
in the use of 
reason is ap- 
parent in the 
position of 

such as the Trinity and the Atonement, and became 
famous for his ' ontological ' argument for the existence 
of God. 1 

With Anselm and his great opponent, Roscelin or 
Roscellinus (1050-1106), a canon of Compiegne, the 
dispute between the realists and nominalists became 
fixed, and divided the schoolmen into two camps. Real- 
ism, of which Anselm was the exponent, is based upon 
Neoplatonism, and that scholastic held with Plato that 
ideas are the only real existence and individual objects 
are merely phenomena (' appearances'). To the realists, 
therefore, universals or class names had real existence, 
and the more general a term the more real it was. Ros- 
cellinus and the subsequent adherents of nominalism, 
on the other hand, held that the class term is only a 
name, which can be used of a number of individual ob- 
jects. The realists maintained that the senses are de- 
ceptive, and human experience is too limited to form 
the basis of an independent judgment. To them rea- 
son was reliable only as it supported revealed doctrine, 
and so realism became the orthodox position of the 
Church. Nominalism, on the contrary, implied the 
sufficiency of reason, and was, therefore, logically de- 
structive of dogma. But Roscellinus was unconscious 
of the heresy in his position, and vigorously attacked 
Anselm's doctrines, particularly those concerning the 

The martyrdom of Roscellinus in 1106 effectually 
suppressed nominalism for two centuries, but human 
reason had been given more scope and began to exer- 
cise itself in dialectic without consideration of any ser- 

1 The ' ontological ' argument and his doctrine of the Trinity appear in 
the Proslogion, and his position on the Atonement in his Cur Dem Homo. 
He argued that God must exist because we all have the idea of a most per- 
fect Being, and if this Being did not possess all possible qualities, includ- 
ing existence, another might be more perfect. This argument, which came 
originally from Augustine, was riddled by the monk Gaunilo, but it seems 
to have appealed to Descartes, Leibnitz, and other great philosophers, who 
have failed to distinguish between the idea of a thing and its objective 
reality. This distinction would not, of course, trouble a mediaeval realist 
like Anselm, since to him the only realities were ideas. 


vice to doctrine. A great growth in the use of reason 

is apparent in the position of Pierre Abelard 1 (1079- 

1142), the greatest of the schoolmen. Philosophically, 

Abelard held to conceptualism, and undertook to mediate 

between realism and nominalism. He held that, while 

a class term has no objective existence, it is not merely a 

sound or a word, out of all relation to individual objects, 

but an expression of a similarity of qualities in objects. 2 His 'con- 

While his attitude in this matter of universals seems ^"irenic ' 

irenic, his inexorable logic led him to reverse the posi- but his sic ei 

tion of Anselm and the realists. He felt that the only 5Sd^, n 

justification of a doctrine is its reasonableness, that rea- andinvesti- 

son must precede faith, and that it is not sinful to doubt. s ation - 

Hence in the prologue to his chief work, the Sic et Non 

('Yes and No '), he holds : 

" Constant and frequent questioning is the first key to wisdom. 
. . . For through doubting we are led to inquire, and by inquiry 
we perceive the truth. As the Truth Himself says : ' Seek and ye 
shall find, knock and it shall be opened unto you.' . . . Now 
when a number of quotations from various writings are introduced 
they spur on the reader and allure him into seeking the truth in pro- 
portion as the authority of the writing itself is commended." 

Accordingly, on each problem he presented a number 
of selections from the Scriptures and the Christian 
Fathers that were clearly in conflict with each other. 
He thus indicated that Christian doctrine was by no 
means a settled matter, and stimulated investigation in 
the place of an unthinking adherence to tradition and 
authority. The extent to which he dared to go in his 
endeavors in behalf of inquiry and reason is shown by 
the fundamental doctrines that he challenged in his Sic 
et Non. Among his questions are these : 3 

"Should human faith be based on reason, or not?" 

"Is God tripartite, or not?" 

" Do the Divine Persons mutually differ, or not? " 

1 Also often Latinized as Petrus Abelardus. 

2 He even thought that the name might be said to have had real exist- 
ence as a concept in the Divine mind before Creation took place. 

8 There were one hundred and fifty-eight questions in all. 



This rational- 
istic tendency 
Moorish in- 
fluences and 
the recovery 
of Aristotle, 
and scholas- 
tic thought 
was brought 
to a culmina- 
tion with the 
work of a 
number of 

"Is God the Father the cause of the Son, or not?" 
"Can God be resisted, or not?" 
"Does God know all things, or not?" 
"Did man's first sin begin through the devil, or not? " 
" Do we sometimes sin unwillingly, or not ? " 
" Does God punish the same sin both here and in the hereafter, 
or not?" 

Abelard's own interpretations of the Trinity and other 
doctrines were decidedly rationalistic. His life was, 
therefore, filled with bitter opposition and persecution, 
but the tendency he fostered was destined to spread. 
This tendency was magnified by several movements 
of the times. By the contact of Europeans with the 
Greek philosophy through the Mohammedans in Spain, 
and more directly, in the thirteenth century, through 
the recovery of the Aristotelian Ethics, Physics, Meta- 
physics, and other works, the scholastic world was in- 
troduced to a mind of the highest order that did not 
devote itself exclusively to theology. In this way the 
development of the scholastic thought was brought to a 
culmination. When the Church saw that its whole sys- 
tem was threatened, and that it had failed to suppress 
the uprising by burning heretics and anathematizing 
Aristotle, it donned the Aristotelian armor itself and 
utilized the works of the Greek philosopher for its own 
defense. Through an authoritative interpretation, Aris- 
totle himself was used as a means of suppressing reason. 
Reason thereafter was made identical with Aristotle, 
whose authority was not to be disputed. The inquiry 
was not as to what is rational, but what does Aristotle 
say on the subject. Thus were philosophy and theology 
once more allied, and during the thirteenth century 
scholasticism reached its zenith. Among the more 
prominent schoolmen of this period were Alexander 
of Hales (P-I245), the 'irrefragable' doctor; Albertus 
Magnus (1193-1280), the 'universal' doctor; Bona- 
ventura (I22I-I274), 1 the 'seraphic' doctor; Thomas 

1 Bonaventura has been seen (p. 50) to combine scholasticism with 
mysticism. While his pietistic tendencies made him a mystic, his analyses 
and classifications place him among the leading schoolmen. 


Aquinas (1225-1274), the ' angelic ' doctor ; Duns Scotzts 
( 1 274-1 308), the ' subtle ' doctor ; and William of Occam 
(1280-1347), the 'invincible' doctor. 

Of all these Aquinas stands preeminent Like his 
master, Albertus, he strove to support the tottering 
dogmas of the Church. It had become evident that 
faith and reason are not always in harmony. This, 
Aquinas held, does not imply a contradiction. Reason, 
as far as it can go, is in accord with faith, but truths 
have been revealed that are beyond the range of reason, 
and faith, through which one secures them, is the highest 
power of the mind. Hence, after the method of Aristotle, 
Aquinas reduced all existence to a hierarchy, making 
body subordinate to soul, matter to spirit, philosophy to 
theology, and the secular to the ecclesiastical. This 
position is obvious in his great treatise, Summa Theologies 
(' The Sum of Theology '), which has remained up to 
the present as the basis of orthodoxy in the Roman 
Catholic Church. 1 But the separation of revelation and 
reason becomes more marked from the position of Duns 
Scotus and William of Occam in the dispute with which 
scholasticism declined and came to a close. 2 While the 
disciples of Aquinas, who still inclined somewhat toward 
realism, maintained that the intellect of God is supreme 
and that his will is determined by his knowledge, they 
were opposed by the argument of Scotus and Occam 
that God must be a completely free will, for if his will 
is determined by an eternal truth above him, there is 
something superior to God. Hence with them truth 
and falsehood are established by the fiat of God, and 
ecclesiastical dogmas are not matters of reason, but 
purely of faith. As a result of this breach between 

1 There were numerous Summa Theologies written by various school- 
men. They did not represent the peculiar views of the author, but were 
intended to present in a systematized form the authoritative teaching of 
the Church. 

2 After the time of Aquinas scholasticism met with a marked and rapid 
decline. It descended into endless quibbles and trivialities. Such school- 
men as Gerson (1363-1429), who desired greater warmth and spiritual 
experience, leaned more toward mysticism. 

Of these 
Aquinas was 
and his 
is still the 
basis of Ro- 
man Catholic 
The separa- 
tion between 
and reason 
made by 
Aquinas was 
increased by 
the dispute 
between the 
the Scotists. 

Two types of 
truth arose, 
with the tend- 
ency to em- 
phasize that 
supported by 



tended more 
and more to 
the Church 

was organ- 
ized in the 
monastic and 
schools, and 

revelation and reason, there arose two types of truth, 
and a tendency grew up to choose that type which was 
supported by reason. 

The Tendency of Scholasticism. Thus there is summed 
up in scholasticism a series of movements that tended to 
awaken the mediaeval mind. Scholasticism began as an 
effort to vanquish heresy in the interest of the Church 
dogmas, which until then it had not generally been 
necessary to explain. At first it was held that faith 
must precede reason, and where reason was incapable 
of penetrating the mysteries of revealed doctrine, it must 
desist from its efforts. But the conviction was growing 
that human reason is reliable and that truth can be 
reached only through investigation. The complete 
revolution that this threatened was for a time averted, 
but a separation of the spheres of revealed and rational 
truth led to an emphasis of the truth which had reason 
on its side. The schoolmen were, then, throughout 
attempting to rationalize the teachings of the Church, 
and to present them in scientific form. As an education, 
scholasticism aimed also at furnishing a training in 
dialectic and an intellectual discipline that should make 
the student both keen and learned in the knowledge of 
the times. 

Its Educational Organization and Content. The 
schoolmen were generally identified with educational in- 
stitutions of one sort or another. The origin of scholas- 
ticism, it has been indicated, 1 came through the teachers 
in the monastic and episcopal schools of the period, but 
the intellectual awakening bound up in the movement 
tended to bring about a development of those schools 
into universities, especially in the North of Europe. 
However, the rise of universities will require separate 
discussion, and the scholastic organization must be con- 
fined here to the monastic and episcopal schools. The 
course of study in these schools came, toward the close 
of the Middle Ages, to consist in the beliefs of the 

1 See p. 50. 


Church and the limited learning of the times arranged 
in a systematized form largely on the deductive basis 
of the Aristotelian logic. This knowledge could all be 
grouped under the head of philosophical theology. The 
great doctrines of the Church, the Trinity, Atonement, 
Predestination, and other concepts, were taught, and all 
secular material, even the most abstract of philosophical 
problems, was dealt with from a theological point of view. 

The Method of Presentation. Admirable illustrations 
of the way in which these doctrines were usually pre- 
sented can be found in the Sententice (' Opinions ') of 
Peter the Lombard (noo-i I6O), 1 a pupil of Abelard's 
and a teacher at Paris, and in the Summa Theologies, 
already mentioned as the chief work of Aquinas. These 
manuals, especially the Sentential were generally used 
as texts in the schools of the time. The work of 
Aquinas has four main parts, under each of which is 
grouped a number of problems. Every problem is con- 
cerned with some fundamental doctrine, and is further 
divided into several subtopics. After the problem has 
been stated, first the arguments and authorities for the 
various solutions other than the orthodox one are given 
and refuted in regular order, then the proper solution 
with its arguments is set forth, and finally, the different 
objections to it are answered in a similarly systematic 
way. The Sententice is likewise divided into four parts, 
and under each head Peter cites the arguments for the 
unorthodox side before drawing his conclusion. 

This general method of presentation so current in scho- 
lastic times, with its formal deductions and finalities, seems 
decidedly dogmatic to us to-day. But there is little doubt 
but that, as a result of the influence of Abelard's Sic et 
Non, it was much more elastic than it would have been. 
While Abelard intended to arouse free inquiry and does 
not undertake in any place to do more than indicate the 

1 Peter was inspired by the enthusiasm and eloquence of Abelard, but 
did not abandon his own orthodoxy. 

2 Norton (Mediezval Universities, p. 77) indicates that there may have 
been several hundred commentaries written on this work. 

consisted in 
the limited 
learning of 
the times, 
on the basis 
of the Aris- 

of this sys- 
are found in 
Peter the 
and Aquinas 

This dog- 
matic method 
was more 
elastic than 
it would have 
been, through 
the influence 
of Abelard's 
Sic et Non. 


cism has 
been under- 

It was too 
much system- 
ized, but 
is natural to 
beings, and 
this tendency 
did a great 
service for 
and accuracy 
in thinking. 

The field was 
limited by 
the strict 
orthodoxy of 

solution that seems on the whole to be most satisfactory, 
the form at least of his method appears in practically 
every mediaeval textbook after his day. While such a 
method as Abelard's may well be judged to be weak in 
yielding definite didactic results, it must have greatly 
assisted the cause of reason and the freedom of thought. 

Scholasticism and Its Influence. As a whole, the 
work of the schoolmen has been underestimated. From 
the time that scholasticism rang its own knell until the 
opening of the nineteenth century, it was never studied 
sympathetically or in historic perspective. In the years 
following its decline there was a tremendous reaction 
against it, and it was the habit of philosophers and 
scientists, especially those of the sixteenth and seven- 
teenth centuries, to sneer at and condemn utterly its 
peculiar method and content. It was urged that it had 
ruined all spiritual realities by its extreme systemization 
of religion, that it dealt with mere abstractions, with a 
slavish adherence to Aristotle, and that it indulged in 
over-subtle distinctions and verbal quibbles, couched in 
the most absurd jargon. 

But no movement can be fairly judged apart from its 
historic connections. Unless we consider the origin and 
environment of scholasticism, we are sure to do this tend- 
ency a grave injustice. It must be admitted that the 
schoolmen did reduce all the knowledge of the day to 
an extreme logical system, based upon the deductive 
method of Aristotle, which became a great obstacle to 
progress and the revival of learning. But since it is the 
nature of reasoning beings to analyze, compare, and 
classify, the schoolmen had to resort to some system, 
and the only available method was that of the great 
Greek philosopher. In this way, however, they also did 
a great service to knowledge. They found a confused 
mass of traditional and irrational doctrines and practices, 
and made them systematic, rational, and scientific, and 
greatly assisted accuracy in thinking. Moreover, the 
range of knowledge with which the scholastics were 
permitted to deal was exceedingly narrow. Unless they 


would subject themselves to persecution and martyrdom, 
they could defend only such theses as the Church held 
to be orthodox; and they were, therefore, obliged to 
exercise their keen analytic minds most intensively, and 
so divided, subdivided, and systematized their material 
beyond all measure. It is but natural under such cir- 
cumstances that the spirit of religion should be crushed, 
and that more emphasis should be placed upon theories 
than experience. 

Nor is it remarkable that the subject-matter with 
which the schoolmen dealt should seem to be mere 
metaphysical abstractions from which only formal prin- 
ciples could be derived. The value of the scholastic 
material and the completeness of its data were not 
scanned at all critically, but the scientific method had 
not been invented as yet, and scholasticism did much 
to make it possible. It may also be granted that the 
scholastic discussions not only did not seem to con- 
cern actual life in their content, but even appeared to 
have little validity in thought, and ofttimes consisted of 
mere argument over words and of extreme hair-splitting. 
But this does not indicate that they were altogether 
purposeless or as absurd as they seemed. For example, 
the celebrated inquiry of Aquinas as to the number of 
angels that could stand on the point of a needle contains 
more sense than appears on the surface, and is simply 
an attempt to present the nature of the Infinite in con- 
crete form. The further censure of scholasticism for 
using a ridiculous and incomprehensible jargon is equally 
unfair. While the later schoolmen may have carried 
scientific terms to an extreme, as in the case of their 
classifying and their quibbling, they are not the only 
offenders, and the very invention of a technical language 
has contributed much to modern accuracy of termi- 
nology and the definition of truth since their day. 

In fact, as a result of the terrific struggle to overcome 
the traditions, authority, and oppression of the Middle 
Ages, and with the necessity for ridding progress of all 
obstacles of outworn method and content, we have been 

the Church, 
and the sub- 
was necessa- 
rily abstract ; 
and, since 
the scientific 
method did 
not yet ex- 
ist, the value 
and com- 
pleteness of 
data were 
not critically 

But scholas- 
tic discus- 
sions were 
often not as 
as they seem, 
and the criti- 
cism for 
using a jar- 
gon is unfair. 

cism liber- 
ated philoso- 
phy from 
theology, un- 
aided reason 
against au- 
thority, and 
subtle and 
acute minds. 



Both mysti- 
cism and 
were of great 
benefit to 
and helped 
prepare the 
way for an 

blinded to the way in which scholasticism fulfilled its 
mission. The discussions of the schoolmen resulted in 
liberating philosophy from theology, and, without in- 
tending it perhaps, scholasticism aided the cause of 
human reason against authority. It greatly stimulated 
intellectual interests and for several centuries must have 
constituted the only real intellectual training. It pro- 
duced the most subtle and acute minds of the age, made 
great intellects far more common in succeeding periods, 
and through its own development made the scholastic 
attitude impossible. 

The Relations of Mysticism and Scholasticism to Edu- 
cation. Thus, while both these mediaeval trends of 
thought are of more importance to the history of philos- 
ophy than to the development of education, they are not 
without considerable educational significance. Neither 
one crystallized in a new educational institution, but 
both found some means of expression in the existing 
schools of the monasteries and cathedrals. The mystic 
training throughout proved the means of securing lofty 
and immediate religious experience, and was of great 
benefit to monastic education, especially in periods 
of stagnation or actual retrogression. Scholasticism 
brought about a tremendous intellectual activity and 
gave- to the monastic and episcopal institutions a new 
life, which was to a large extent consummated in the 
universities that afterward arose. The awakening, 
mental and moral, produced by these two movements, 
helped to prepare the way for the Renaissance and the 
Reformation, and while not preserved in any special 
type of school, mysticism and scholasticism cannot be 
neglected in any account of education. 



ABELARD. Sic et Non. 

ANSELM. Cur Deus Homo, Monologion, and Proslogion (translated 

by Deane in the Religion of Science Library). 
AQUINAS. Summa Theologies (translated by Rickaby). 
BERNARD OF CLAIRVAUX. De Consideratione, De Contemptu 

Mundi, and De Gradibus Hurnilitatis. 
BONA VENTURA. Reductio Artium ad Theologiam. 
DIONYSIUS AREOPAGITICA. De Cceli Hierarchia, De Ecclesice Hier- 

archia, and De Mystica Theologia. 

ERIGENA. De Divisione Naturce and De Pradestinatione. 
HUGO OF ST. VICTOR. Didascalion (see Das Lehrbuch in Samm- 

lung Pddagogischer Schriften, Band XXIII) , De Sacramentis, 

and Eruditio Didascalica. 
PLOTINUS. Enneades VI. 
RICHARD OF ST. VICTOR. De Contemplatione. 


CHURCH, R. W. Saint Anselm. 

COMPAYRE, G. Abelard. Pt. I, Chaps. I and II. 

DE WULF, M. History of Mediceval Philosophy (translated by 


DRANE, A. T. Christian Schools and Scholars. Pp. 170-217. 
DRAPER, J. W. Intellectual Development of Europe. Vol. II, 

Chap. I. 

EMERTON, E. Mediceval Europe. Chap. XIII. 
ERDMANN, J. E. The History of Philosophy (translated by 

Hough). Vol. I, Pt. II. 

HAUREAU, B. Histoire de la Philosophic Scholastique. 
INGE, W. R. Christian Mysticism. 
INGE, W. R. Personal Idealism and Mysticism. 
LA CROIX, P. Science and Literature in the Middle Ages. Pp. 


LAURIE, S. S. Rise and Constitution of Universities. Lects. V, 
VI, and IX. 

McCABE, J. Abelard. 

MAURICE, F. D. Mediceval Philosophy from the Fifth to *he Four- 
teenth Century. 

MILMAN, H. H. History of Latin Christianity. Bk. XIV, Chap. 

MULLINGER, J. B. The Schools of Charles the Great. Chap. V. 

MULLINGER, J. B. The University of Cambridge. Chap. III. 

OMAN, J. C. The Mystics, Ascetics, and Saints of India. 


POOLE, R. L. Illustrations of the History of Mediceval Thought. 
Chaps. II-V and VIII. 

RASHDALL, H. Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages. Vol. 
f I, Chap. II. 

RECEJAC, E. Essays on the Bases of Mystic Knowledge (trans- 
lated by Upton). 

SCHMID, H. Der Mysticismus in Seine Entstehungsperiode. 

STORKS, R. S. Bernard of Clairvaux. 

TOWNSEND, W. J. The Great Schoolmen of the Middle Ages. 

UEBERWEG, F. History of Philosophy (translated by Morris). II, 
Second Period. 

WINDELBAND, W. A History of Philosophy (translated by Tufts). 
Part III. 



The Origin of Feudalism. Feudalism was an order 
of society and government which gradually grew up in 
the Middle Ages out of certain private relations. Feu- 
dal elements existed throughout the mediaeval period 
alongside of the regular political organization, and when, 
under the successors of Charlemagne, the monarchy 
became weak and inadequate, society tended to fall back 
upon these relations as a means of control. In the un- 
settled conditions of the early Middle Ages, small land- 
owners, and freemen lacking land altogether, came to 
depend upon some powerful neighbor for protection, 
and to seek from him a dependent tenure of land. In 
time these lords acquired a genuine sovereignty over 
their tenants, and were regarded as rulers as well as 
personal superiors. Taxes were paid them, and a sys- 
tem of private courts and legal fines grew up. The 
tenants went to war under the leadership of their lords, 
and military service on horseback became generally 
attached to the holding of land. Often the land was 
subdivided and lower orders of nobility thus arose. In 
this way, about the year 900, the feudal relations that 
had at first been private and subsidiary were, through 
lack of a strong central control, erected into a regular 
form of government. 1 This system was not disrupted 
until toward the close of the Middle Ages, when certain 
suzerains or overlords, who had been earlier chosen from 
their own number by the feudal nobles, succeeded in 
turning themselves into genuine sovereigns. 

1 Adams (Civilization during the Middle Ages, pp. 194-217) gives a 
more definite and slightly different account of the way in which the Roman 
institutions of the prtecarium and patrociniumvrKte combined and adopted 
by the Franks, and of how, through the introduction of military service as 
a condition of land tenure, aided by grants of ' immunity ' and by usurpa- 
tion, the feudal relation of jurisdictio was instituted. 


As the 
weak, the 
upon a 
neighbor and 
the private 
of feudalism 
grew into a 
regular form 
of govern- 
ment, and 
a gulf arose 
between no- 
bility and 

6 4 


The serious 
business of 
the feudal 
noble was 
fighting, and 
to prepare 
him for this, 
mock battles 
were en- 
gaged in, 
into a pas- 
time and 

quently, the 
good usage 
of feudal 
times, known 
as ' chivalry,' 
is divided 
into two 
that before 
the twelfth 
century being 
an ' heroic 
age,' and that 
afterward an 
' age of 

Hence, by the tenth century, there came to be a great 
social gulf between the nobility, who owned the land and 
lived in castles, and the peasantry, who tilled the soil 
and supported them. It is, of course, the life of the 
nobles that gives picturesqueness to the times. Their 
only serious business was fighting with spear, sword, or 
battle-axe, in their own quarrel or that of their feudal 
superior. These battles of the Middle Ages were con- 
ducted by companies of mailed knights charging on 
horseback, and consisted largely of feats of arms per- 
formed in personal combat. To prepare for this war- 
fare, mock combats may have been occasionally engaged 
in as early as the ninth century. Within two centuries, 
however, these mimic encounters became organized into 
a definite species of pastime called a tournament, and, 
during the following centuries, they degenerated into 
mere pageants and were eventually carried to an absurd 
extreme. 1 When the knight was not engaged with war 
or the tournament, as he had few intellectual resources, 
he amused himself with hunting or hawking, or with 
feasting, drinking, and minstrelsy in the great hall of 
the castle. 

Chivalry and Its Development. The good social 
usage of these times has been known ever since as 
chivalry? and is as little susceptible of explanation as 
the code of manners of any other period. The best 
idea of it is obtained from the popular literature of that 
day, which deals almost entirely with the knight and his 
ideal behavior. While chivalry differed somewhat in 
different places and from time to time, it may in general 
be divided into two periods. Chivalry before the middle 
of the twelfth century may be considered that of the 
heroic age, during which the ideal knight was extraor- 
dinarily strong and brave, and was devoted to God, 
his country, and king. This crude but vigorous period, 
however, of which Raoul de Cambrai and the Chanson 

1 Scott's Ivanhoe furnishes us with a lively picture of these institutions, 
but the descriptions of this author must be taken with a grain of allowance. 

2 French chevaleric ('knighthood'), an abstract noun derived from 
cheval (' horse '). 


de Roland (' Song of Roland ') are the typical expression, 
was succeeded by an age of courtesy. The characteris- 
tics of this later period appeared first in the wealthy 
nobility of southern France, and were largely the prod- 
ucts of the stereotyped organization into which chivalry 
fell during the Crusades. The ideals and rules of chiv- 
alry became fixed and formal, and the art of horseman- 
ship and the management of the lance and sword were 
developed and settled. Instead of the simple and 
natural relations growing out of primitive social condi- 
tions, we find gallantry, the graces of society, and 
romantic adventures as the chief ideals of the period. 
The lyrics of the Provencal Troubadours and the German 
Minnesingers, the longer narrative poems based upon 
the Arthurian legends, classical stories, and the German 
sagas, give expression to the artificiality and extravagance 
of this age, and the absurdities to which it went marked 
the dissolution of feudalism. 

The Ideals of Chivalric Education. It was out of this 
latter stage, however, that chivalric education arose. 
The ideals of knightly conduct and of education for the 
life of chivalry may be summed up under service and 
obedience. These manifestations of loyalty were to be 
rendered to God, as represented by the organized 
Church, to one's lord, or feudal superior, and to one's 
lady, whose favor the knight wore in battle or tourna- 
ment. The three ruling motives of chivalry were, there- 
fore, religion, honor, and gallantry. The feudal knight 
was expected to show reverence for his superiors and 
gentleness toward the weak and defenceless. He was 
to be brave and chivalrous in battle, to defend the Church 
and his religion, and to hold womankind in high esteem. 

The Three Stages of Education Preparatory to Knight- 
hood. There may be said to have been three periods 
in the training of a knight. First, until the child was 
seven or eight, he was trained at home by his mother. 1 

1 An ingenious, but rather tedious and uncritical reconstruction of the 
chivalric education can be found in Gautier's Chivalry, Chaps. V-XX, 
where, in the form of a story, he describes the life of a knight from birth to 

Out of this 
latter arose 
chivalric edu- 
cation with 
its ideals of 
honor, and 


knighthood a 
training was 
given the 
boy at home, 
and as ' page ' 
and ' squire ' 
at the castle 
of some lord. 



The ' page ' 
duties for his 
lord and lady, 
games and 
' courtesy ' 
from the 
lady, and 
began his 

The ' squire ' 
served his 
lord, and 
attended him 
at the tourna- 
ment or upon 
the battle- 

During this stage he began his religious education, 
learned respect and politeness toward his elders and 
obedience to his superiors, and laid the foundation of 
rugged health and strength. 

After this, it was the custom with the gentry from the 
highest to the lowest degree to place the boy in the 
castle of some secular lord or prominent churchman, to 
obtain a knightly training in ' courtesy.' J Usually the 
nobleman chosen was his father's feudal superior, 2 
although, in the case of kings and great feudal princes, 
their sons were occasionally trained at their own palaces. 
The boy had now become a page* and took his place 
among the inferior members of the household. The 
chief part of his training came through the performance 
of personal duties for his lord and lady. However, he 
also acquired from the lady the etiquette of love and 
honor, and learned chess and other games. In most 
cases, too, he was taught to play the harp and pipe, and 
to sing, to read and write, and to compose in verse. 
Occasionally he was given some knowledge of Latin, 
and, in England during the later period, of French. 
Outside the castle, the pages were trained in running, 
wrestling, and boxing, and those who had them in charge 
were further commissioned to "lerne them to ryde 
clenely and surely, to drawe them also to justes; to 
lerne them were their harneys." 4 Such training for 
the tournament was probably obtained by tilting at the 
ring or a dummy man known as the ' quintain.' 

At fourteen or fifteen the youth passed to the grade 
of squire? The squires of the house waited upon the 
lady, and with her they played chess, walked, hunted, 

1 I.e., curialitas, or breeding at the curia ('court'). 

a This custom would seem to have arisen from the suzerain's originally 
taking his vassal's son as a hostage for the behavior of the father. 

8 Page (' assistant servant ') was a late term, and a more common 
designation was damoiseau (' little lord ') or valet (' little vassal'). 

4 Furnivall, Forewords, ii, on Early Education in England in The Babees 

6 Squire is a contraction of esquire, which comes from the Old French 
est/uier t a development from the Latin scittarius (' a shield-bearer '). 


and hawked. They also often carved, handed around 
the viands, served the wine, and presented water for the 
hands of the guests. But their chief service was to the 
knight. They not only made their lord's bed, helped him 
to dress, and slept near him at night, but groomed his 
horses and attended him upon the tournament ground 
or the actual battle-field. Usually the honor of per- 
forming the martial duties fell to the senior squire, who 
displayed the knight's banner, kept 'his armor and 
weapons in condition, made him ready for the fray, and 
furnished him with fresh lances or protected him with 
the shield in times of peril. Thus by practice the squire 
learned all the warlike arts, to ride and handle shield, 
spear, and armor, and to joust and fight with the sword 
or battle-axe. Toward the close of this stage of his he also 
education the embryo knight also chose his lady-love, {^.lov" 
She was usually older than he and might be married and learned 
or not, but to her he was to be ever devoted, even Verses and 
after he married some one else. This accounts for the dance. 
squire's expertness in verse-writing and dancing, as 
shown in Chaucer's description of him : 

" He could songs make, and well endite, 
Just and eke dance, and well pourtraie and write ; 
So hote he loved, that by nighterdale (night time) 
He slept no more than doth the nightingale." 1 

Knighthood. When the squire became twenty-one At twenty- 
he was knighted. The final ceremony was preceded 2?*it 

i ! i A / /* btjuirc was 

by many religious observances. After a season of fast- knighted 
ing, purification, and prayer, the candidate entered the reHgjau e s clal 
church in full armor, and spent a night in vigil and ceremonies. 
holy meditation. 2 In the morning he was shriven, and 
received the eucharist, and after presenting his sword 
to the priest, who blessed it upon the altar, he took a 
solemn oath " to defend the church, to attack the wickecO 
to respect the priesthood, to protect women and the/ 

1 This is given as in the partially modernized quotation of Mills. 

2 Sometimes squires were knighted upon the field of battle, before they 
were of age, for some special act of valor. 



girls were 
instructed at 
the castle of 
some lord in 
duties, man- 
ners, music, 
and the art 
of conversa- 

poor, to preserve the country in tranquillity, and to 
shed his blood, even to its last drop, in behalf of his 
brethren." His sword was then returned and he was 
charged by the priest " to protect the widows and 
orphans, and to restore and preserve the desolate, to 
revenge the wronged, and to confirm the virtuous." 1 
By so doing, it was promised, he would obtain everlast- 
ing joy. He then knelt before his lord, who laid his 
own sword upon the shoulder of the candidate and 
ordinarily addressed him thus : 

" In the name of God, of our Lady, of thy patron Saint, and of 
St. Michael and St. George, I dub thee knight ; be brave, bold, and 

Such was the preparatory training and the inaugura- 
tion into knighthood. It can easily be seen that this 
chivalric education contained but little that was intel- 
lectual, though it afforded an excellent discipline in " the 
rudiments of love, 2 war, and religion." 

Training of Women. Girls were also educated during 
the regime of chivalry in the castle of some knight or 
lord. Their training consisted more exclusively in per- 
sonal service, household duties, good manners, music, 
and pleasing conversation. In general, there was 
scarcely any intellectual element in it, save learning to 
say their prayers, play the harp, and sing various poems, 
although in the case of some maidens of the noblest 
birth, a little study of language and literature was made, 
and it was even said of the Earl of Warwick's daughter : 

" She was thereto courteous, and free and wise, 
And in the seven arts learned withouten miss." 

These, however, must have been exceptional cases. 

The Effects of Chivalric Education. This chivalric 
training of the Middle Ages contains many anomalies 

1 Mills, Chivalry, pp. 48-54, gives a complete description of these 
inaugural ceremonies. A little different account is given by Froissart in 
the knighting of William IV, emperor of Germany. 

2 ' Love ' is to be understood not only in the sense of devotion to the 
opposite sex {par amours}, but also with the broader meaning of kind- 
ness and courtesy. 


and contradictions. The elements in the mediaeval 
knight were curiously mixed, and every virtue seems to 
have been balanced by a correlative vice. The knights 
were recklessly courageous in battle, but their anger, 
when aroused, was ungovernable, and their cruelty was 
extreme. There are several instances of a single knight, 
in a crisis, charging headlong upon an entire army, and 
there are many records of the most brutal slaughter of 
prisoners. Discretion, self-control, and mercy could not 
have been among the knightly virtues. A great self- 
respect and a disdain for petty meannesses were also 
supposed to characterize the true knight, but these too 
often reacted into an overweening pride and a tenacious 
insistence upon his own rights. The feudal claims of 
his inferiors and servants were scrupulously observed 
by every knight, but the persons themselves were gen- 
erally regarded with scorn and contempt. There was 
no such duty as courtesy to one's subjects, and the most 
crying fault of chivalry was the tendency to regard all 
inferiors merely as ministers to one's pleasure. So, too, 
although great respect for womanhood was held to be 
essential to the knightly conduct, if the women were 
beneath a certain rank, no such consideration was 
expected, and the chivalrous convention was quite 
compatible with the laxest conversation and morals. 
Moreover, while the knights were rated largely accord- 
ing to their ideas of liberality and hospitality, the result 
was a great love of display and an extravagance beyond 
measure. The general notion of ' liberality ' was to 
have a vast army of retainers wearing one's ' livery,' J 
and to excel all others in pomp and splendor. The 
Earl of Cornwall boasted of having entertained thirty 
thousand guests, and even after a most liberal allowance 
is made in the estimate, it is easy to see that ' hospi- 
tality ' and wastefulness were sometimes synonymous. 

1 Livery may originally have had reference to the ' allowance ' (libera- 
tura or liberatio) of cloth or rations that were parcelled out to every 
member of the household. See Ransome, History of England, p. 383; 
Stubbs, Constitutional History, III, p. 547 and note. 

This anoma- 
lous educa- 
tion of chiv- 
alry produced 
courage and 
cruelty, self- 
respect and 
pride, respect 
for women 
and gross 
liberality and 
gance, honor 
and bad 


Upon the 
whole, it 
refined the 
times and 
' otherworld- 

No wonder, then, that Richard the Lion-hearted, the 
very type of late chivalry, should frankly admit that his 
' three daughters ' were pride, rapacity, and luxury. As 
for the knightly word of honor, so much vaunted, it 
would, if accompanied by certain forms, be held sacred 
under trying circumstances, but should these forms be 
omitted, a decided breach of good faith was not infre- 
quent. There was often a complete disregard for the 
most solemn agreements. Hence it was that William 
of Normandy seems to have had little hope of holding 
King Harold to his promise, except for the holy relics 
by which he had sworn. 

As a whole, however, the chivalric training had a 
beneficial effect upon the society of the times. It was 
not all militarism, parade, convention, and deception. 
It helped to organize and refine the turmoil and bar- 
barism of mediaeval Europe, and was an effective instru- 
ment in raising the position of women. To this extent 
chivalry was a healthful discipline for mediaevalism. 
And incidentally there flowed from it a happy conse- 
quence. While this peculiar training was often extrava- 
gant, artificial, and ' worldly,' by that very tendency it 
did much to counteract the ' otherworldly ' ideal of mo- 
nasticism and the general asceticism of the period. It 
encouraged an activity in earthly affairs and a frank 
enjoyment of this life. In this way it gave rise to the 
first distinctive literature since Graeco-Roman days. 
The virile narratives of the heroic age and the beautiful 
lyrics of the age of courtesy alike have lasted long after 
the dissolution of the society that produced them. 
Chivalry itself became fixed and conventional, but it had 
done its work for civilization. 



CHEYNEY, E. P. Documents Illustrative of Feudalism. (Transla- 
tions and Reprints, Vol. IV, No. 3.) 

FROISSART, J. Chronicles (translated by Bourchier and Berners). 

FURNIVALL, F. J. (Editor). The Babees Book (including The 
Book of Curteisie, Boke of Nurture, Boke of Kerynge, The 
Booke of Demeanor, etc.). 

MALORY, T. Morte D 1 Arthur. 


ADAMS, G. B. Civilization during the Middle Ages. Chaps. IX 

and XI. 

BULFINCH, T. Age of Chivalry. 
CORNISH, F. W. Chivalry. 
CUTTS, E. L. Scenes and Characters of the Middle Ages. The 

Knights, Chaps. IV, VIII, and IX. " 

EMERTON, E. Introduction to the Middle Ages. Chap. XV. 
FURNIVALL, F. J. Early Education in England (in The Babees 


GAUTIER, L. Chivalry (translated by H. Frith). 
GUIZOT, F. The History of Civilization. Vol. IV, Lect. 6. 
HENDERSON, E. W. A Short History of Germany. Vol. I, Chap. V. 
LACROIX, P. Military and Religious Life in the Middle Ages. 

Feudalism, The Crusaders, and Chivalry. 
MARTIN, H. Histoire de France. Vol. III. 
MILLS, C. The History of Chivalry. Vol. I, Chaps. I-V, and Vol. 

II, Chap. VII. 

ROUND, J. H. Feudal England. 

SCHULZ, A. Das Hofische Leben zur Zeit der Minnesinger. 
SCOTT, W. Essay on Chivalry. 


The friars 
the heretics 
that had 
arisen as a 
protest to 


The Purpose of the Friars. A large contribution to 
the development of scholasticism in its later stages was 
made through the monastic orders known as the mendi- 
cant friars}- These orders did not, like the earlier 
monks, spend their time in prayer and solitary con- 
templation, but mingled with the world. They en- 
deavored to combat by peaceful methods the Albigenses 
and Waldenses, two groups of heretics that had sprung 
up in the twelfth century as a protest against the shock- 
ing abuses in the Church. 2 The friars made it their busi- 
ness to wander about among the people, living on char- 
ity, to set an example of piety and self-sacrifice, defend 
and propagate the orthodox faith, and awaken the peo- 
ple to renewed spirituality. To command the situation 
and make converts among all classes, they obtained an 
excellent training in theology, philosophy, and debating, 
and strove to communicate the proper education to 
others. With this purpose in view, they endeavored to 
control education and train the intellectual leaders of 
the times. 

Their Organization and Methods. The Franciscans, or 
'gray friars,' were originally followers of Francesco 
Bernardone of Assisi, who had abandoned a life of luxury 
to minister to the poor and sick. The Rule of St. Fran- 
cis commanded : 

1 Friar is derived from the Latin frater. 

2 This seems to have been the deliberate purpose of Dominic in organ- 
izing his order. He was a Spanish monk, who had gone with his bishop 
among the Albigenses to dissuade them from their heresies. Francesco, 
however, had in mind only an imitation of Christ's life, and the conver- 
sion of heretics was incidental with the Franciscans. 




" The brothers shall appropriate nothing to themselves, neither a 
house, nor a place, nor anything ; but as pilgrims and strangers in 
this world, in poverty and humility serving God, they shall confi- 
dently go seeking for alms." 

The order was authorized by the pope in 1212. The 
Dominicans, or 'black friars,' were instituted by a priest 
of noble birth named Dominic de Guzman, and in 
1217 the pope sanctioned the order. 1 The Domini- 
cans were carefully trained in the higher studies, and 
especially sought to direct the policy of the univer- 
sities and other educational institutions. " Hence," 
says Rashdall, "the headquarters of the Dominicans in 
Italy were fixed at Bologna, in France at Paris, where a 
colony was established from their first foundation in 
1217: in England their first convent was at Oxford. 
These central houses from the first assumed the form of 
Colleges : and a Dominican convent ere long was estab- 
lished in every important University town." Thus these 
friars secured members with the highest theological edu- 
cation of the age and eventually obtained a large share 
in the control of the theological teaching of the uni- 
versities everywhere. They stood for a stanch support 
of all Church doctrines, and included such well-known 
schoolmen as Albertus Magnus and his even greater 
pupil, Thomas Aquinas. 

The Franciscans tended to remain more democratic 
and less intellectual. They devoted their lives to the 
relief and training of the poor and needy, but while some 
did not believe in the higher learning, they, too, soon 
found it necessary to make converts at the universities 
and have their members given a training in theology. 
In 1230, the Franciscans first founded a convent at 
Paris and before long they became almost as active 
intellectually as the Dominicans. Many Franciscans 
were well educated, and among the members of the order 
were such distinguished scholastics as Alexander of 
Hales, Bonaventura,Duns Scotus, and William of Occam. 

1 A good brief account of the rise of the friars can be found in Wishart's 
Monks and Monasteries, Chap. V. 


sought to 
While the 
cans tended 
to remain 
more demo- 
cratic and 
less intellec- 
tual, yet they 
found it 
necessary to 
make con- 
verts at the 
and to have 
their mem- 
bers trained 
in theology. 



less, the 
defense of 
remained the 
main pur- 
pose of the 
and social 
and theo- 
logical ad- 
that of the 
The rivalry 
between the 
two orders 
tended to 
arouse dis- 
cussion and 
disrupt au- 

Rashdall also tells us: 

" Other mendicant orders Carmelites, Austin Friars, and others 
of less importance likewise established convents at Paris and sent 
novices to the Theological Schools, but they played a comparatively 
small part in the life of the University." 

Their Influence upon Education and Progress. Hence 
the friars did much for education. They gave their 
members a far broader training than monks generally 
received and among them were found many intellectual 
and educational leaders. They also instructed the peo- 
ple both informally in virtue and doctrine, and through 
their control of the universities and other institutions. 
While the origin and aim of the two great orders were 
so similar, each has been stamped with the personality 
and genius of its founder. The defense of orthodoxy re- 
mained the main purpose of the Dominicans, and preser- 
vation of the lines laid down by their early masters is 
apparent in all their later philosophy and teaching. On 
the other hand, the Franciscans have ever been the 
authors of new social, philosophical, and theological 
movements. While at first they were united in their 
efforts, a rivalry soon sprang up between the two 
organizations, which is reflected in the controversy of 
Duns and Occam with the followers of Aquinas. 1 But 
this opposition in theology and philosophy was a health- 
ful thing for the times, since it tended to arouse discus- 
sion and break up all settled authority. It has even 
been declared that " the intellectual history of Europe 
for the next two hundred years is intimately bound up 
with the divergent theological tendencies of the two 
great Orders of S. Dominic and S. Francis." More- 
over, when orders of such standing as the two sets of 
friars were often accused of heresy by each other, the 
common man could not well be blamed for following 
the dictates of reason and refusing to conform to eccle 
siastical dogma in every detail. 

1 See p. 55. 




HENDERSON, E. F. Historical Documents of the Middle Ages. 
Bk. Ill, No. VIII. 


CUTTS, E. L. Scenes and Characters of the Middle Ages. The 

Monks, Chap. V. 

DRANE, A. T. History of St. Dominic. 
DRAPER, J. W. Intellectual Development of Europe. Vol. II, 

Chap. II. 

JESSOPP, A. The Coming of the Friars. 
LITTLE, A. G. Educational Organization of the Mendicant Friars 

in England {Royal Historical Society, New Series, Vol. VIII). 
LITTLE, A. G. The Grey Friars in Oxford (Oxford Historical So- 
ciety, Vol. XX). 

MACDONELL, A. The Sons of St. Francis. 
MILMAN, H. H. History of Latin Christianity. Bk. IX, Chaps. 

IX and X. 
MULLINGER, J. B. The University of Cambridge. Chaps. I, III, 


OLIPHANT, MRS. M. O. Saint Francis of Assist. 
RASHDALL, H. Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages. Vol. 

I, pp. 251-253 and 362-392, and Vol. II, pp. 376-386. 
SABATIER, P. Life of St. Francis. 


were in gen- 
eral a prod- 
uct of all 
that was best 
in the Middle 
Ages, but no 
two sprang 
from exactly 
the same 


General Causes of the Rise of Universities. In dis- 
cussing scholasticism and the friars, we have already 
had occasion to anticipate a description of the mediaeval 
universities. These were the product of what was 
highest and best in the Middle Ages, and their growth 
is necessarily bound up with all the history and con- 
tributions of the times. The development of universi- 
ties is intimately connected with that of the Empire, 
the Church and papacy, the older schools, and many 
other institutions of mediaeval days. They arose from 
the old cathedral and monastic schools, and were brought 
into prominence through the broadening influences of 
the later Middle Ages. The contact with Arabic science 
and culture and Greek philosophy through the Crusades 
and the Moors in Spain, the interest in dialectic and 
theological discussions, with its development of scholas- 
ticism, the wider horizon produced through a knowledge 
of the Orient and of different customs and traditions, 
the reaction from ' otherworldliness ' resulting from the 
ideals of chivalry and the growth of cities and wealth, 
the consequent emphasis upon secular interests and 
knowledge, all played a part in creating the intellectual 
atmosphere that was necessary for the growth of these 
organizations. The mediaeval scholars eagerly scanned 
the liberal and professional courses of the Moorish 
colleges at Cordova, Granada, Seville, and Alexandria, 
and new groups of studies, broader methods, and, above 
all, great teachers, began rapidly to appear. Students 
crowded to the seats of learning at the old schools, and 
before long these institutions had come to be known as 
* universities.' 



The History and Purpose of the Universities. Such 
were the general factors in the evolution of all the 
mediaeval universities, but while all were more or less 
the product of the influences named, no two sprang 
from exactly the same set of causes. 

The oldest of the universities was that at Salerno, 
near Naples. This organization seems to have been 
simply a school of medicine, and Rashdall attributes its 
origin primarily to the survival of the old Greek medical 
works in this part of the peninsula. 1 While other cities 
of southwestern Italy were interested in medicine, Salerno 
in particular became the center of medical study because 
of its reputation as a health resort, gained chiefly from 
its mild climate, but partly also from the mineral springs 
there. Greek medical writings were translated into 
Latin by the sixth century, and from the early part of 
the eleventh century Salerno seems itself to have been 
productive of medical works. By the middle of the 
century the revival of medicine was well under way and 
Salerno was known as the leading place for medical 
study. A great impulse was given the school by a con- 
verted Jew called Constantinus Africanus, who had 
wandered through India, Babylonia, and Egypt, and 
everywhere studied medicine. He had fled to Salerno 
from Carthage, and during the latter half of the eleventh 
century compiled and translated Hippocrates and va- 
rious other Greek and Arabic authorities on medicine. 
Salerno was further assisted by the visit of Robert, 
Duke of Normandy, who came there in 1099, after the 
first Crusade, to be cured of a wound, and, with his 
returning knights, spread the fame of the school to all 
parts of Europe. Salerno, however, was never chartered 
as a regular university, and it was not until 1231 that it 
received any official recognition. Frederick II at that 
time gave it the monopoly for medical training in his 
realms in place of the school of medicine at the Uni- 

1 Laurie and Mullinger give more prominence to the influence of the 
Saracen medical writers than does Rashdall, who bases his conclusions 
upon Daremberg and Renzi, the authorities on the history of medicine. 

Salerno early 
became the 
seat of a 
school, be- 
cause of the 
survival of 
the old Greek 
works, the 
salubrity of 
the place, 
and the 
work of Con- 

but it was 
never char- 
tered as a 
regular uni- 
versity, and 
did not 
a model for 
other uni- 


famous as 
a school of 
civil law 
through the 
struggle of 
the north 
Italian cities 
for inde- 
and through 
the lectures 
of Irnerius, 

versity of Naples, which he had created some seven 
years earlier. But this organization never became, like 
Bologna and Paris, a model for the foundation of later 
universities. It is, therefore, of less consequence in the 
development of universities, and by the fourteenth cen- 
tury it had met with a permanent decline. 

The interest of southern Italy in medicine was paral- 
leled by the attention to Roman law in the north of 
the peninsula. Amid all the changes that had come 
from the various conquests by Goths, Lombards, and 
Franks, the cities of northern Italy had never alto- 
gether lost their independence. This was especially 
true of the Lombard cities, which in the end expelled 
the counts or bishops that had for a time attempted to 
rule them, and even prevented the German emperors 
from ever making their nominal sway over them a real 
one. In undertaking to defend their independence, 
these cities made an especial study of Roman Law, in 
order to present some special charter, grant, or edict 
from the old Roman emperors upon which their claims 
might be founded. A knowledge of the Roman civil 
law had never altogether died out in northern Italy, 
but this struggle for independence caused an enthu- 
siastic revival of the study. 1 There were several centers 
renowned for their pursuit of this subject, but early in 
the twelfth century Bologna became preeminent. This 
city, which had hitherto been known for its school of 
liberal arts, was now made famous by the lectures upon 
law of one Irnerius. For the first time the entire 
Corpus Juris Civilis (' Body of Civil Law '), a compila- 
tion of Roman law made by eminent jurists in the sixth 
century by order of the emperor Justinian, was collected 
and critically discussed. This expansion of the subject 
required the separation of civil law from rhetoric, of 
which it had previously been a branch, and forced stu- 

1 The former conclusion that the study of Roman jurisprudence was 
caused by the discovery of the Pandects of Justinian through the capture 
of Amalfi by Pisa in 1135 has since 1831 been shown by Savigny to be 
out of keeping with the natural evolution of events. 


dents who would study it to give it their entire atten- 
tion. The law students thus became differentiated from 
those in liberal arts, and Bologna came to be known as 
a great school of civil law. 

But this city was destined to become also the seat 
of the study of canon law. Influenced by the scientific 
treatment of the Corpus Juris Civilis, a monk of Bologna, 
named Gratian, was impelled to furnish the Church 
with a code no less systematic and complete. Accord- 
ingly, he undertook in 1142 to harmonize all edicts, 
legislation, and statements of popes, councils, Church 
fathers, and Christian emperors in a convenient text- 
book upon canon law. This work, known as the 
Decretum Gratiani ('The Decree of Gratian'), 1 was 
organized after the plan of Abelard's Sic et Non, and 
gave the authorities upon both sides of each mooted 
point in ecclesiastical law. It was almost immediately 
recognized as the authority upon the subject, and Gra- 
tian became nearly as important in the development of 
Bologna and other universities as Irnerius. Canon law 
was made a separate study from theology, of which it 
had previously been a part, and attracted a large num- 
ber of students. 

Thus the school at Bologna was greatly enlarged in 
its work, and was chartered as a university by Frederick 
Barbarossa in 1158, probably as a recognition of the 
services of its masters in support of his imperial claims. 
By the beginning of the thirteenth century, its fame 
had become widespread, and it is estimated that there 
were about five thousand students in attendance. 2 
There had been a course in liberal arts for a long time 
at Bologna, and, besides the civil and canon law, medi- 
cine was added in 1316, and theology in 1360, although 
these subjects never became very prominent. 

1 After various additions had been made, it was generally known in the 
fifteenth century as Corpus Juris Canonici. 

2 Odofredus, the jurist, states that there were ten thousand students, 
but Rashdall holds that an allowance of at least one half must be made 
for the mediaeval tendency to exaggerate. 

and as a 
school of 
canon law 
through the 
of Gratian. 

In 1158 it 
was char- 
tered as a 
university by 
and other 
courses were 



The Univer- 
sity of Paris 
grew out of 
the cathedral 
school of 
Notre Dame, 
when under 

and was first 
chartered by 
Louis VII 
in 1180. 

The development of the universities in France and 
England is not as easy to trace as in Italy, but they 
seem to have been more directly the product of the 
special interest in dialectic and scholasticism that ap- 
peared in this part of Europe. Of all the organizations 
north of the Alps the first foundation was that at Paris, 
which was by far the most famous of all mediaeval 
universities. This university grew out of the cathedral 
school of Notre Dame, which had acquired considerable 
reputation by the earliest part of the twelfth century 
under the headship of William of Champeaux. But the 
intellectual movement was more largely developed by 
the brilliant and attractive Abelard^ who taught in Paris 
at various periods between 1108 and 1139. While well 
under thirty, Abelard had defeated both his chief masters, 
Roscellinus, the nominalist, and William of Champeaux, 
who was an extreme realist. In 1117 he succeeded to 
the position from which he had driven William in 
humiliation, and, through his eloquence, versatility, 
tact, and great intellectual endowment, drew thousands 
of students to Paris from all nations. McCabe estimates 
" that a pope, nineteen cardinals, and more than fifty 
bishops and archbishops were at one time among his 
pupils." He lectured especially upon dialectic and 
theology, and greatly stimulated free discussion and 
the liberation of reason. His successor was his pupil, 
Peter the Lombard, who became the author of the great 
mediaeval textbook upon theology entitled Sententice. 

Thus Abelard became the progenitor of the university, 
although it was not until almost a generation after his 
death that it could really have been organized. It was 
first formally recognized by the king, Louis VII, in 
1 1 80, and eighteen years later it had its privileges sub- 
stantially increased by Pope Celestine III, but it was 
only in 1200, after canon law and medicine had been 
added to the liberal arts and theology, that it received 
complete recognition by the act of Philip Augustus. 

See pp. 53 f. 



As we have seen, Salerno failed to reproduce its type, 
but Bologna, and even more Paris, became the mother 
of universities, for many other institutions were organ- 
ized after their general plans. At Bologna the students, 
who were usually mature men, and, as a result of their 
political environment, very independent, had entire 
charge of the government of the university. They 
selected the masters and determined the fees, length 
of term, and time of beginning. But in Paris, where 
the students were younger, the government was in the 
hands of the masters. Consequently, new foundations 
in the North, where Paris was the type, usually became 
' master-universities,' while those of the South were 
' student-universities.' The universities that arose in 
Italy, France (with the exception of Paris), Spain, and 
Portugal, were patterned after Bologna, and those which 
grew up in England, Scotland, Germany, Sweden, and 
Denmark, followed Paris. But besides the universities 
that grew gradually, or sprang up rapidly as a result of 
migration from other organizations, sovereigns or eccle- 
siastics not infrequently started new institutions full- 
fledged, in order to produce more lawyers and other 
learned men or to propagate the Catholic faith. 

Thus during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries 
it became fashionable for the authorities, civil and 
ecclesiastical, to charter existing organizations or to 
found new ones. In England, Oxford began in the 
second half of the twelfth, and Cambridge at the begin- 
ning of the thirteenth century, although their first 
recognition by charter cannot easily be ascertained. 
Of the Italian universities, Naples was, as we have 
noted, established by imperial decree in 1224, Padua 
arose two years earlier through emigration from Bologna, 
and Arezzo grew up about the same time, although not 
recognized until 1355. The universities of Palencia, 
Salamanca, and Valladolid in Spain and that of Lisbon 
in Portugal were also founded during the thirteenth 
century. The next foundation in France after Paris 
was that made by Pope Gregory IX at Toulouse in 


Bologna, the 
' student- 
became the 
pattern for 
in the South ; 
and Paris, 
the ' master- 
for those in 
the North. 

During the 

sprang up 
Europe, and 
by the 
there were at 
least seventy- 
nine of them. 



and popes 
many privi- 
leges to the 
such as direct 
and special 

1233, and this was followed by Montpellier later in the 
century and by a number of others during the next 
century. The first German university, that of Prague, 
was not instituted until 1348, but, before the close of 
the century, Vienna, Erfurt, Heidelberg, and Cologne 
had sprung up, and twice as many more appeared within 
the next hundred years. By the time the Renaissance 
was well started, at least seventy-nine 1 universities were 
in existence in the different countries of Europe. All 
of these foundations were not permanent, however, for 
some thirty have, in the course of time, become extinct, 
and those which remain are much changed in character 
and course. Naturally enough from their origin, all the 
universities came to be located, not like the old monas- 
teries in remote places, but in the centers of population. 
Privileges Granted to Universities. From the time of 
the earliest official recognition of the universities, a large 
variety of exemptions, immunities, and other special 
privileges were conferred upon the organizations, or 
upon their masters and students, by popes, emperors, 
kings, feudal lords, and municipalities. The universities 
were in many instances taken under the immediate pro- 
tection of the sovereign, and were allowed to have special 
courts of their own, independent of civil jurisdiction, and 
complete autonomy in all their internal affairs. Both 
these privileges are granted in the document known as 
the Habita* of Frederick I, or 'Barbarossa.' This 
emperor, in 1158, for the benefit of the students of 
Bologna, issued the following general edict : 

" We, from our piety, have granted these privileges to all scholars 
who travel for the sake of study, and especially to the professors of 
divine and sacred laws ; namely, that they may go in safety to the 
places in which the studies are carried on, both they themselves and 
their messengers, and may dwell there in security. For we think 
it fitting that, during good behavior, those should enjoy our approval 

1 There may have been others, of which the records have disappeared. 

2 Habita is the first word in the charter. The document is sometimes 
called the Authentic Habita, since it was placed by Pertz among the 
authentica or originalia instrumenta. 


and protection, who, by their learning, enlighten the world, and 
mold the life of our subjects to the obedience of God, and of us, 
his minister. . . . Therefore, we declare by this general and per- 
petual law that hereafter no one shall be so rash as to inflict any 
injury on scholars, or to impose any fine upon them on account of 
an offense committed in their former province. And let it be known 
to violators of this decree, and to local rulers at the time who have 
neglected to punish such violations, that a fourfold restitution of 
property shall be exacted from all who are guilty, and that the 
brand of infamy shall be affixed to them by the law, and they shall 
be forever deprived of their offices. 

"Moreover, if any one shall presume to bring a suit against the 
scholars on any ground, the choice in the matter shall be given to 
the scholars, who may summon the accusers to appear before their 
professors or the bishop of the city, to whom we have given juris- 
diction in these circumstances. But if, indeed, the accuser shall 
attempt to take the scholar before another judge, even if his cause 
be most just, he shall lose his suit because of such attempt." 

The provisions of the Habita were repeated for vari- 
ous universities by other monarchs. Perhaps the mos^ 
sweeping protection and immunity were contained in the 
edict of Philip Augustus, by which all citizens of Paris 
who saw any one striking a student were required to seize 
the offender and deliver him to the judge, and the 
provost of the city and all judges were commanded to 
hand over the cases of the student criminals to the 
ecclesiastical authority. 

These privileges seem to have been suggested in the 
first place by provisions made by the Roman emperors 
for students in the old universities. Similarly, there 
were conferred upon masters and students other general 
privileges with which the emperors had favored the 
philosophers, rhetoricians, and grammarians of the pagan 
schools. 1 Persons connected with the mediaeval uni- 
versities were relieved from all taxation, and, except in exemption 
times of emergency, from military service. Rupert I, 
in founding the University of Heidelberg, makes the 
following grant to masters and students : 

" When they come to the said institution, while they remain there, 
and also when they return from it to their homes, they may freely 

1 See Graves, A History of Education before the Middle Ages, pp. 265- 

8 4 


the right 
to license 
masters, and 
the right to 
lectures and 

carry with them, throughout all the lands subject to us, all things 
which they need while pursuing their studies, and all the goods 
necessary for their support, without any duty, levy, imposts, tolls, 
excises, or other exactions, whatever." 

Similarly, before this, teachers and scholars were 
declared at Paris to be exempt from " tallia, 1 customs, 
and personal taxes, in coming or going," and the charter 
of Leipzig in the next century relieved the property of 
that organization of "all losunge, 1 exactions, contribu- 
tions, steura, 1 and taxes, and from the control of the 
citizens." These exemptions applied not only to the 
corporation, students, and masters, but often to the bell- 
ringers, booksellers, bookbinders, parchment makers, 
illuminators, messengers, and others serving in a more 
or less menial capacity. 

The universities had also certain recognized privileges 
that had originated as customs with the early universi- 
ties, but were specially granted by the civil or ecclesi- 
astical authorities as a formality to institutions already 
exercising these rights, or to new universities that wished 
to be on a par with them. Such was the jus nbique do- 
cendi, or the right of a university to license masters to 
lecture anywhere without further examination, and the 
cessatio, or privilege of suspending lectures, when uni- 
versity rights were infringed. In the latter case, unless 
the wrongs were immediately redressed, the suspension 
was followed by an emigration of the university to 
another town. This could easily be done in mediaeval 
days when universities did not have any buildings of 
their own and there was no need of expensive libraries, 
laboratories, and other equipment. So, in 1209, Cam- 
bridge got its first real start through an exodus from 
Oxford. Sometimes a special invitation would be issued 
to a university exercising the cessatio to come to another 
country. Thus the University of Oxford in 1229 met 

1 Taxes whose purpose is not exactly known. From tallia probably the 
feudal faille was developed, and from steura the Modern German Steuer 
must be derived. See Ducange, Glossarium Mediae et Infinite Latinitatis, 
The piling up of synonyms with little or no distinction seems to be com- 
mon in legal documents at all ages. 


with its most substantial increase through King Henry 
III, who promised the striking masters and scholars of 

" If it shall be your pleasure to transfer yourselves to our kingdom 
of England and to remain there to study, we will for this purpose 
assign to you cities, boroughs, towns, whatsoever you may wish to 
select, and in every fitting way will cause you to rejoice in a state of 
liberty and tranquillity." * 

There were, of course, a number of less important These privi- 
privileges that were peculiar to the various localities, |f^ e e n s se ed e s e 
but those mentioned were generally held by all the daily in the 
universities. Through such special rights the univer- .^nderhfg 
sities obtained a great power and became very independ- students.' 
ent. Soon the liberty allowed to students degenerated 
into recklessness and license. The students seemed to 
have become dissipated and quarrelsome. Clashes were 
common not only with the townspeople, but even among 
themselves. Each nation was at times unsparing in its 
abuse of the others. We are informed, for instance, 
through the mutual recriminations of the students at 
Paris, that there were among them many drunkards, 
spendthrifts, fops, gluttons, bullies, roue's, and adven- 
turers. 2 After all allowance is made for the prejudice 
and exaggeration of the various nations, it is evident 
that the students had to some extent become uncleanly, 
bad-mannered, and immoral. This is especially seen in 
the life of the so-called wandering students. This class 
arose from the freer life consequent upon the decline of 
monasticism and from the sanctioning of migratory habits 
by the example of the friars. Like these orders, the 
students begged their way, as they wandered from uni- 
versity to university. They became rollicking, indolent, 
shiftless, and even vicious,, and many found the life so 
attractive that they made it permanent and organized a 

1 The full text is translated in Norton's Readings on Mediaval Uni- 
versities, pp. 95-96. See also Rashdall, Universities in the Middle Ages, 
Vol. II, pp. 392 and 546. 

2 See the description in Jacques de Vitry's Historia Occidentalis, Lib. 
II, c. 7, translated in Munro, Translations and Reprints, Vol. II, No. 3. 



mock 'order' or gild of wandering students known as 
Goliardi 1 or vagantes? The one compensating feature 
of this degeneracy was the production of jovial Latin 
and German songs to voice their frank appreciation of 
forbidden pleasures, and their protest against restraint 
and the formalism and corruption of the Church. Vari- 
ous collections of these songs have come down to us. 8 
The following translation of the Song of the Open Road, 
in which every couplet was followed by an imitation of 
a bugle call, will afford some idea of the recklessness and 
exuberance of this vagabond student life : 

" We in our wandering, 
Blithesome and squandering, 
Eat to satiety, 

Drink to propriety ; 
Laugh till our sides we split, 

Rags on our hides we fit ; 
Craft's in the bone of us, 

Fear 'tis unknown of us ; 
Brother catholical, 

Man apostolical, 
Say what you will have done, 

What you ask 'twill be done ! 
Folk, fear the toss of the 

Horns of philosophy ! 
Here comes a quadruple, 4 
Spoiler and prodigal ! 

As the Pope bade us do, 
Brother to brother's true : 
Brother, best friend adieu ! 

Now I must part from you ! 
Tara, tantara, teino ! 

University' Organization of the Universities. From its historical 

signified a 
' company 

origin the nature of the mediaeval university was similar 

1 The word is probably derived from the French gaillard ('gay'). 
The similarity of the term to Golias (' Goliath ') seems to have suggested 
their taking him as a patron saint. 

2 In the latter part of the thirteenth century there grew up a type of 
younger wandering students known as scholares vagantes, who learned the 
elements from wandering masters in search of a school. They were also 
sometimes accompanied by still younger boys, known as ABC shooters. 

8 See especially Symonds, Wine, Women, and Song, or the reprints in 
Mosher, Mediaeval Latin Student? Songs. 

4 The quadrivium, of which they thus bid honest people beware. 


to that of the gilds. This is shown in its complete 
name, Universitas Magistrorum et Scholarium (' the 
body of masters and scholars '). The term universitas 
did not imply originally, as often claimed since, an insti- 
tution where ' everything ' is taught, but it was used of 
any legal corporation, and only in the lapse of time 
was it limited, without qualifying words, to a particular 
body. 1 It signified a company of persons that had 
assembled for study, and, like any other gild, had or- 
ganized for the sake of protection, since they were in a 
town where they were regarded as strangers. Thus it 
did not refer to a place or school at all, but to the 
teachers and scholars. When it was desired to express 
the abstract notion of an academic institution, studium 
generale was the phrase used. This indicated a school 
or place where students from all parts of civilization 
were received, and was contrasted with a sttidium par- 
ticulare, which taught only a few from the neighbor- 

The students of each studium generale naturally 
grouped themselves according to the part of the world 
from which they came, and the charters were sometimes 
conferred upon the nationes ('nations') separately, 
as these organizations had usually preceded the forma- 
tion of the university. The nations, however, soon 
began to combine for the sake of obtaining greater 
privileges and power. By the early part of the thir- 
teenth century, the students of Bologna had merged 
their organizations into two bodies, the universitas 
citramontanorum (' Cisalpine corporation '), composed 
of seventeen nations, and the universitas ultramontano- 
rum (' Transalpine corporation '), made up of eighteen ; 
but not for some three centuries were these two united. 
The University of Paris included the four nations of 
France, Picardy, Normandy, and England. 2 Every 
year each nation chose its chief, who was called the 

1 During the fourteenth century the word universitas came to be used 
alone of the institution of learning. 

2 In later centuries England was replaced by Germany. 

of students 
and teachers, 
and when 
the school or 
its seat was 
' studium 
generale ' 
was used. 

students were 
by their 
' nations,' 

and each 
nation chose 
a ' consiliar- 
ius ' to repre 
sent it. 



Each ' fac- 
ulty,' which 
meant a 
of knowl- 
edge, soon 
elected its 
own ' dean,' 
and the deans 
and ' con- 
siliarii ' 
elected the 

The course 
in ' arts ' 
included the 
seven liberal 
arts and 
some of the 
treatises of 
Aristotle ; 

consiliarius (' councilor ').* It was his duty to repre- 
sent the nation, guard its rights, and control the con- 
duct of its members. 

On the side of the masters, the university became 
organized into faculties. The word facultas was origi- 
nally used of a special department of knowledge, and 
then applied to a body of masters teaching a particular 
range of subjects. Hence there arose the four faculties 
of arts, law, medicine, and theology, or even five, where 
law was divided into civil and canon. 2 But few uni- 
versities, however, had the four faculties, and those they 
possessed were very unequal in strength. Even at its 
height Paris had no faculty of civil law, while in 
theology it shared what was practically a monopoly 
with the English universities. Law was in most univer- 
sities the leading faculty. Each faculty came to elect 
a decanus (' dean ') as its representative in the university 
organization. The deans, together with the councilors 
of the student bodies, elected the rector, or head of the 
university. This officer, however, had only such powers 
as were delegated to him. In the South the rector was 
usually a student, but in the North, where the masters 
controlled, he was generally chosen from the faculty of 

The Courses of Study. The content of the courses 
offered by each faculty differed greatly in the various 
universities, and was somewhat modified from time to 
time even in the same university. However, during the 
thirteenth century it came in each case to be rather 
definitely fixed by papal decree or university legislation, 
and practically no departure from the course laid down 
was allowed. 3 For the course in arts, which occupied 

1 In Paris he was known as the procurator ; in Oxford and Cambridge 
as procurator or proctor, or sometimes in Cambridge as rector. 

2 Paetow (Arts Course at Medieval Universities, pp. 55-58 and 81-84) 
has shown that there were separate faculties and distinct degrees in 
' grammar ' from those in ' arts,' and that Bologna had a separate faculty 
in ars notaria, if not in ars dictaminis, which conferred the degree of 
doctor notaries. 

3 A clear and comprehensive treatment of the university courses is found 
in Norton's Mediceval Universities (Cambridge, 1909), pp. 37-80. 


some six years, the compendia and texts on the liberal 
arts already referred to, 1 Donatus and Priscian, and 
Alexander of Villedieu and Eberhard of Bethune 2 on 
grammar, Boethius on rhetoric, dialectic, arithmetic, and 
music, Alberich and Boncompagno on ars dicta-minis* 
Euclid on geometry, Ptolemy on astronomy, and other 
standard works, were in general use, but they were en- 
riched during this period by the additions of the Arabic 
treatises on mathematics and dialectic and many other 
new texts. The course in arts also included many of the 
works of Aristotle. Some of his logical treatises had been 
previously known, and during the thirteenth century the 
rest of the Organon, and the Ethics, Politics, Poetics, and 
Rhetoric, and his works upon natural science, came to be 
translated either from the Arabic or the original and 
used as texts. Thus in 1215 the following course in 
arts was prescribed for Paris by Robert de Courc.on : 

" The treatises of Aristotle on logic, both old and new, and the 
two Priscians * are to be read in the regular course. On feast-days 
nothing is to be read except philosophy, rhetoric, quadrivtalta, the 
Barbarisms, 5 the Ethics, and the Topics. 6 The books of Aristotle 
on Metaphysics or Natural Philosophy, or the abridgments of these 
works, are not to be read." 7 

But this ' liberal ' course did not contain any of the 
modern studies, such as history or modern languages and 
literatures, and it devoted little attention to Roman 
classics, and, outside of Aristotle, none at all to Greek. 
Moreover, probably at no university were all the works 
mentioned in use, but rather there were different selec- 
tions made in each institution. 

The course in law generally consisted of two parts, 

1 See pp. 14-21. 

2 See p. 20. 

8 See p. 1 8, footnote 3, and p. 88, footnote 2. 

4 The first sixteen books of Priscian's grammar were known as the 
major, and the last two as the minor. 

6 The third book of Donatus, Ars Major. 

6 A logical treatise of Boethius. 

7 The Church was at this time still a trifle distrustful of Aristotle. 


in medicine, 
works of 
Isaac, and 
Nicolaus ; 

and in the- 
ology, Peter 
the Lom- 
bard's Sen- 
tentiez and 
the Bible. 

civil and canon. 1 In the former, the Corpus Juris Civilis 
was the authorized text. This work now included the 
Code, or compilation of imperial edicts, the Digest 1 * of 
opinions of Roman jurists, and the Institutes, which was 
an introductory text for students. The official treatise 
for the study of canon law was the Decretum Gratiani. 
That consisted of three parts on ecclesiastical offices, 
the administration of canon law, and the ritual and sac- 
raments, respectively. 

In the faculty of medicine were included the Greek 
treatises by Hippocrates (c. 460-375, B.C.) and Galen 
(c. 130-200, A.D.), together with the works of certain 
Saracen, Jewish, and Salernitan physicians. The chief 
of these latter treatises seem to have been the medical 
Canon of Avicenna, 3 the Liber Febrium and Liber Die- 
tarum written by Isaac Judaeus, and the Antidotarium by 
Nicolaus of Salerno. 4 

The students of theology put most of their time upon 
the four books of Peter the Lombard's Sententicz, al- 
though the Bible was studied incidentally. This neglect 
of the Scriptures for the scholastic theology and the 
traditions of the Church, which was so characteristic of 
the Middle Ages, is thus stigmatized by the advanced 
thinker, Roger ('Friar') Bacon (1214-1294): 

" Although the principal study of the theologian ought to be in 
the text of Scripture, in the last fifty -years theologians have been 
principally occupied with questions in tractates and Summce, 
horse-loads composed by many, and not at all with the most holy 
text of God. And accordingly, theologians give a readier reception 
to a treatise of scholastic questions than they do to one about the 
text of Scripture." 6 

The Methods of Study. The training of a mediaeval 

1 See pp. 78 f. 

2 Sometimes called Pandects, 
8 See p. 42 for Avicenna. 

4 For the details of a general course in medicine, see Rashdall, Uni- 
versities in the Middle Ages, Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 123; for that of Paris, 
Munro, Mediaeval Student, pp. 16-17; for that of Oxford, Rashdall, op. 
cit., Vol. II, Pt. II, pp. 780 and 454 f. 

6 See Brewer's translation of Bacon's Compendium Studii Theologia. 


student consisted not only in acquiring the subjects 
mentioned, but in learning to debate upon them. The ac- 
quisition of the subject matter was accomplished through 
lectures, which consisted in reading and explaining 
the textbook under consideration. This was rendered The texts, 
necessary by the scarcity of manuscripts, which had to be ^os 
used until the invention of printing, and the difficulty in read and ex 
purchasing or renting copies of them. Each work con- jjJe'iecture 
sisted of a text and commentaries upon it. The glosses, and taken 
which had often grown to such proportions as com- ouH 
pletely to overshadow the original, consisted of explan- tion by the 
atory notes, summaries, cross-references, and objections students - 
to the author's statements. 1 To these the teacher 
might add a commentary of his own as he read. Odo- 
fredus, the jurist, thus describes his procedure at 
Bologna : 

" First, I shall give you summaries of each chapter before I proceed 
to the text ; secondly, I shall give you as clear and explicit a state- 
ment as I can of the purport of each Law (included in the chapter) ; 
thirdly, I shall read the text with a view to correcting it ; fourthly, 
I shall briefly repeat the contents of the Law ; fifthly, I shall solve 
apparent contradictions, adding any general principles of Law (to 
be extracted from the passage), and any distinctions or subtle and 
useful problems arising out of the Law with their solutions." 2 

The master must often have had to read the passage 
repeatedly, in order that all might grasp it, and he 
ordinarily read slowly enough for the student to treat 
his commentary as a dictation. There was always con- 
siderable objection to rapid reading, and even university 
regulations were made against a master's lecturing so fast 
as not to permit of full notes. Naturally, such a method 
afforded little freedom in thinking. There could be no 
real investigation, but simply a slavish following of the 
text and lecture. The whole exercise was carried on in 
Latin, which had to be learned by the student before 
coming to the university. 

The training in debate was furnished by means of 

1 An excellent illustration is given in the selection from Gratian in 
Norton's Mediceval Universities, pp. 59-75. 

2 See Rashdall, Universities, Vol. I, pp. 219-220. 

9 2 


A training in 
debate was 
also fur- 
nished by 
means of 
formal dis- 

Upon pass- 
ing the ex- 
amination at 
the end, a 
became a 
' master ' or 
' doctor ' ; 

formal disputations, in which one student, or group of 
students, was pitted against another. In these contests, 
which also were conducted in Latin, not only were 
authorities cited, but the debaters might add arguments 
of their own. Sometimes a single person might exercise 
himself by arguing both sides of the question and com- 
ing to a judgment for one side or the other. This 
debating had been instituted to afford some acuteness 
and vigor of intellect, and, compared with the memoriz- 
ing of lectures, it served its purpose well, but by the 
close of the fifteenth century it had gone to such an 
extreme as to be no longer reputable. The aim came 
to be to win and to secure applause without regard to 
truth or consistency. 

Degrees. After three to seven years of study and 
training, the student was examined on his ability to dis- 
pute and define. If he passed, he was admitted to the 
grade of master, doctor, or professor. The taking of this 
degree signified that the candidate had, as in the gilds 
and other mediaeval organizations, passed through the 
stages of 'apprentice' and 'journeyman,' and presented 
his ' masterpiece.' 1 He was now ready to practice the 
craft of teaching and to compete with the other masters 
for students. The degrees ' master ' and ' doctor ' seem 
to have been originally about on a par with each other. 2 
The master's examination, which gave the license to 
teach anywhere, was private and most formal, while that 
for the doctorate was public and mostly a ceremonial. 
As soon as a candidate was successful in the one, he 
immediately proceeded to the other, upon which oc- 
casion he received both the license to teach and the 
doctor's degree. 3 Accompanied by friends and fellow- 

1 See p. 97. So the German universities still use Arbeit of the aca- 
demic 'masterpiece,' the doctoral dissertation. 

2 A fuller discussion of these^synonyms is found in Rashdall, Universi- 
ties, Vol. I, pp. 21-22. 

8 The German universities to-day combine the two, and at the comple- 
tion of his course, create the candidate philosophic doctor et artium 
magister. But the master's degree has now generally come to be inferior 
to the doctorate, as in France and America. 



students and preceded by a trumpeter, he marched to the 
cathedral in state. There, after a speech and a formal 
defense of some thesis against picked opponents, he was 
presented to the archdeacon of the diocese, who con- 
ferred the degree upon him with a formula not unlike 
that used on similar occasions in modern universities. 1 

The baccalaureate, or bachelor's degree, was at first 
not a real degree, but simply permission to become a 
candidate for the license. During the thirteenth century, 
however, it came to be sought as an honor by many not 
intending to teach, and after the lapse of two centuries 
it became generally recognized as a separate degree. 

The Value of the University Education and Its Effect 
upon Civilization. The defects in the training of the 
mediaeval universities are obvious. The content of their 
course of study was meager, fixed, and formal. It leaned 
toward dogmatism and disputation, and dealt entirely 
with books, without a genuine desire for the discovery 
of facts or the revelation of truth. It neglected com- 
pletely the real literature of the classical age, and cared 
little for developing the imagination and the aesthetic 
side of life. Similarly, the methods of teaching were 
stereotyped and authoritative. They permitted little that 
savored of investigation or thinking. 

These, however, were the general faults of the Middle 
Ages, and the universities were evidently the product of 
the growing tendencies to break through them and burst 
the fetters of the intellect. Despite their adherence to 
dogmatism and their seeming opposition to investigation, 
they did much to foster intellectual development. They 
were the greatest encouragement to subtlety, industry, and 
thoroughness, and their tendency toward speculation was 
primarily responsible for the modern spirit of inquiry and 
rationality. The activity they nurtured made possible such 
minds as those of Dante, Petrarch, Boccaccio, and Eras- 
mus in intellectual and literary lines ; Wyclif , Huss, and 
Luther in the theological and ecclesiastical field ; and 

1 For the form used at Bologna, see Rashdall, Universities, Vol. II, 
PP- 734-735- 

the bacca- 
laureate was 
at first simply 
to enter. 

The univer- 
sity course 
was meager, 
fixed, and 
formal, and 
the methods 
were stereo- 

but these 
were the gen- 
eral faults of 
the Middle 
Ages, and 
the universi- 
ties did much 
to foster 
and to make 
great minds 



Friar Bacon, Copernicus, Galileo, and Francis Bacon in 
the realm of realism and science. 

Even as an institution the universities were of im- 
mediate assistance in promoting freedom of discussion 
and advancing democracy. They became the repre- 
sentatives of secular and popular interest, and mod- 
erated greatly the power of the papacy and absolute 
sovereignty. They were regarded by all classes as a 
court of arbitration, and to them were referred disputes 
between the civil and ecclesiastical powers. Paris, 
through its location, numbers, and government, was 
especially powerful. When appealed to by the king, 
Philip VI, it compelled the pope, John XXII, to retract 
his judgment and humbly apologize, and the same in- 
stitution, half a century later, was most instrumental in 
forcing the abdication of John XXIII and Benedict XII, 
and thus closing the scandalous papal schism. 1 The 
influence of the universities liberalized all mediaeval in- 
stitutions, and aided greatly in advancing the cause of 
individualism and carrying forward the torch of civiliza- 
tion and progress. 



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SCHMELLER, J. A. Carmina Burana (third edition). 
SYMONDS, J. A. Wine, Women, and Song. 

1 See D'Achery, Spidlegium, I, pp. 777 f. 



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gave a great 
impulse to 
tures, and 

and thus con- 
tributed to 
the growth 
of cities 


The Rise of Commerce and Cities. An important 
influence upon civilization and education during the 
later Middle Ages was that produced by the increase in 
commerce. Foreign trade had never died out since 
Roman days, despite the injuries wrought by the bar- 
barian invasions, as the nobles had always need of 
luxuries and the Church of articles of utility in its serv- 
ices. But the demand for vessels and transports during 
the Crusades, and the desire for the precious stones, 
silks, perfumes, drugs, spices, and porcelain from the 
Orient afterward, gave a tremendous impulse to com- 
mercial activity. Thus communication between the 
states of Europe was greatly facilitated, new commercial 
routes and new regions were opened', geographical 
knowledge was increased, navigation was developed, 
maritime and mercantile affairs were organized, manu- 
factures and industries were enlarged, currency was 
increased, and forms of credit were improved. All this 
tended toward a larger intellectual view and a partial 
dissipation of provincialism and intolerance. 

The most important consequence of this industrial 
awakening was the rise and growth of cities. The old 
Roman towns of Italy and Gaul revived and grew rap- 
idly in size and wealth, and new cities sprang up around 
the manorial estates and monasteries as manufactures, 
trade, and commerce increased. The people in these 
cities rebelled against the rule of their lords and either 
expelled them altogether or secured from them for a 
monetary consideration a charter conferring more liberal 
rights and privileges. For example, a charter granted 
by Henry of Troyes in 1175, stipulated as follows: 



" All persons living in the said city shall pay each year twelve 
deniers and a measure of oats as the price of his domicile ; and if he 
wishes to have a portion of ground or of meadow, he shall pay four 
deniers rent an acre. The inhabitants of said town shall not be 
forced to make war nor go on any expedition, unless I myself am at 
their head. I grant them besides the right to have six magistrates, 
who shall administer the common affairs of the town. No lord, 
cavalier, or other shall take from the town any of its inhabitants for 
any reason." 

As manufactures and trade developed, the merchants 
and other citizens grew rapidly in wealth and importance, 
and before long the burgher class had a recognized 
position by the side of the clergy and nobility. The 
burghers became educated, and were soon appealed to 
for counsel by the kings. 

The Gild, Burgher, and Chantry Schools. But besides 
the general organization of the towns, separate craft 
gilds had also been established, to prevent any one who 
had not been regularly approved from practising the 
trade he represented. Under the gild system, one had 
to spend from three to ten years learning his craft, first 
as an apprentice with no wages, and later as a journey- 
man, working for the public only through his master. 
The number of apprentices was limited, and the craft 
otherwise regulated and protected. The masons of 
Paris, for instance, had to observe these regulations : 

" No one shall have more than one apprentice in his trade, and if 
he has an apprentice, he shall engage him for not less than six years' 
service, but of course he may engage him for a longer term of service 
and for more money, if he is able to do so. If he engage him for 
less than six years, he shall be fined twenty sous. The mason, how- 
ever, may take another apprentice as soon as the first apprentice 
shall have completed five years." 

In this way there had grown up a species of industrial 
education with three definite stages in its organization. 
Before long, too, the gilds developed a formal means of 
education, which has ever since been known as the gild 

A famous foundation of this sort is recorded in the 
report of Edward VTs commissioner, who tells us con- 
cerning the city of Worcester : 

and the 
of a burgher 

' Gilds ' for 
each craft 
were also 
and a species 
of industrial 
training grew 
up, which 
was followed 
by ' gild 

9 8 


As the gild 
merged with 
those of the 
towns, the 
gild schools 
were ab- 
sorbed in 
the burgher 
which some- 
times came 
to embrace 
also other 

paved the 
way for secu- 
larization in 

" There hath byn tyme owt of mynde, a ffree scole kept within the 
said citie, in a grete halle belongyng to the said Guylde, called 
Trinite Hall ; the scholemaster whereof for the tyme beyng hath 
hade yerely, for his stypend, ten pounds ; whereof was paid, owt of 
the revenues of the said landes, by the Master and Stewards of the 
said Guylde for the tyme beyng, vi //'., xiii s., iii d. ; And the resy- 
dewe of the said stypend was collected and gathered of the denocioun 
and benyvolence of the brothers and systers of the said Guylde." 1 

Although the gilds demanded a new type of instruc- 
tion, their schools were still taught by the clergy, usually 
the priests who had been retained to perform the neces- 
sary religious offices for the members of the organizations 
concerned. The gild schools were generally elementary 
in character, but they not infrequently afforded some 
secondary instruction. While most of the work was in 
the vernacular, courses in Latin and other higher subjects 
were also afforded, and some of these gild schools, like 
Merchant Taylors' of London, have endured and attained 
to great repute as secondary institutions. 

But as the gild organizations gradually merged with 
those of the towns, the gild schools were generally ab- 
sorbed in the institutions known as the burgher schools. 
Another type of institution that came into prominence 
toward the close of the Middle Ages and was also 
sometimes united with the burgher schools, was the 
chantry school. These chantry organizations arose out 
of bequests by wealthy persons to support priests who 
should ' chant ' masses for the repose of their souls, for 
when the priests were not engaged in this religious duty, 
they were required to do some teaching. In this way 
all the various schools within a town were often combined, 
and many new foundations of a similar nature were made. 
These burgher schools were largely controlled and sup- 
ported by the public authorities, although still generally 
taught by priests. They came to represent the interests 
of the merchant and artisan classes, and gave instruction 
in subjects of more practical value than had any of the 
schools hitherto. Such institutions sprang up everywhere 

1 Quoted from Toulmin Smith's Ordinances of English Guilds by Monroe, 
Thomas Platter, p. 17. 


during the later Middle Ages, and while they were still 
inspected by the clergy, and the Church struggled hard 
to bring them under her control, the number of lay 
teachers in them gradually increased, and thus, paved the 
way for the secularization of education that took place 
during the Reformation. 



CHEYNEY, E. P. English Towns and Gilds (Translations and Re- 
prints, Vol. II, No. i). 

GROSS, C. The Gild Merchant. 

JONES, G. Studies in European History. VIII and IX. 

SMITH, T. English Gilds. 

ZELLER, B. (Editor). DHistoire de France racontee par les Con' 

ZELLER, B. Moeurs et Institutions du XIII Siecle. 


ADAMS, G. B. Civilization during the Middle Ages. Chaps. X- 

ASHLEY, W. J. An Introduction to English Economic History and 


CUNNINGHAM, W. The Growth of English Industry and Commerce. 
CUNNINGHAM, W. Essay on Western Civilization in its Economic 

Aspects. Mediaeval and Modern Times. Chap. III. 
CUTTS, E. L. Scenes and Characters of the Middle Ages. The 

Merchants. Chaps. Ill and VI. 
DRAPER, J. W. History of the Intellectual Development of Europe. 

Vol. II, Chaps. IV and V. 

GUIZOT, F. The History of Civilization. Lects. VII and VIII. 
KRIEGK, G. L. Deutsches Burgerthum in Mittelalter. 
MONROE, P. Thomas Platter and the Educational Revival of the 

Sixteenth Century. Pp. 3-18. 
WILDA, W. E. Das Gildenwesen im Mittelalter. 
WILKEN, F. Geschichte der Kreuzzuge. 


The Holy 
Roman Em- 
pire was dis- 
rupted in its 
struggle with 
the papacy 
but feudalism 
was itself 
by the Cru- 
sades and 
other new 
forces, and 
began to 
arise. 1 


The Growth of National Spirit. It can now be seen 
that a new spirit had begun to creep into European 
civilization. Even before scholasticism had come to its 
height, or the universities were well under way, it would 
seem that the Middle Ages were passing. The struggle 
between a world-wide political power and a universal 
spiritual organization was drawing to a close through 
the downfall of the former. Frederick II, ruler of the 
Holy Roman Empire, was in 1245 deposed by Inno- 
cent IV, head of the Imperial Church of Rome, al- 
though the civil monarch continued the struggle until 
his death five years later. This victory of the Church 
over the Empire had largely been aided by the growth 
of feudalism, which had worked itself out to a logical 
conclusion and split the Empire into fragments. For 
centuries afterward the emperors were mere figure- 
heads, elected in each case because of their very weak- 
ness politically. But feudalism and the Church were 
themselves being undermined by new economic and 
political forces. The Crusades, which had continued 
upon a large scale during most of the twelfth century 
and in a smaller and more spasmodic way for another 
hundred years, while a failure from the standpoints of 
religious or military achievement, had very important 
results upon civilization. Thousands of crusaders were 
overcome by the rigors of the journey or butchered by 
hostile peoples before reaching the Orient, and the 
leaders became more absorbed in opposing their fellow- 
Christians of the East or in outwitting each other than 
in overcoming the Turks. But this very sharing of 
dangers by all nations and by all classes of people 



tended to level social distinctions and to bind Christen- 
dom together in a common purpose. It made evident 
their common needs and desires. The old nobility and 
the former allegiances were largely ruined, and the 
universal claims of the Church were greatly broken. 
The inherent weakness of feudalism began to appear, 
and national monarchies and national patriotism arose 
in the place of this mediaeval order of society. The 
degeneracy of the papacy also promoted the culture of 
a national spirit. 

The Development of Vernacular Literature. In many 
other ways marked changes in the mediaeval ideas and 
habits became evident. The break-up of the old au- 
thority and repression was apparent not only in new 
political institutions, but also in the altered aesthetic 
productions of the times. A literature of the people A new type 
was beginning to arise. Before the eleventh century of literature, 
the written literature of Europe, since it dealt mostly Vernacular, e 
with ecclesiastical and learned subjects, was usually in also began to 
Latin, although there seem to have been songs, poems, 
and stories that were passed down in the vernacular, and, 
in England, the Story of Beowulf and other prose 
and poetry were actually written down. But with the 
eleventh century a large popular literature was rapidly 
appearing in the national languages that had now been 
well developed. The earliest form of these writings is 
found in the heroic poems of France. These deal with 
national themes of a semi-historical character, such as 
the deeds of Charlemagne and his knights, especially 
with the Saracen foe, and are known as the chansons 
de geste. Thus, during the eleventh and twelfth cen- 
turies appeared such productions of the Trouveres, or 
poets of Northern France, as the Chanson de Roland, 
Aymeri de Narbonne, and Raoul de Cambrai. 1 But in 
the latter half of the twelfth and during the thirteenth 
century, when the fervor of the Crusades was at its 
height, and the later and more artificial forms of 

1 See pp. 64 f. 


chivalry held sway, there arose another type of poems, 
consisting of accounts of knightly adventures, with love 
and extravagant devotion to women as the central theme. 
The spirit of this later period is first displayed in the 
lyrics of the Troubadours}- These poets belonged to 
Southern . France, where were the greatest wealth and 
luxury, but their songs were soon imitated by the bards 
of England and Germany. In the last named country 
the poets were known as Minnesingers, because they 
sang of love. 2 At this time, too, were composed the 
narrative poems based on the stories of King Arthur 
and his knights, the search for the Holy Grail, classical 
tales concerning the Trojan heroes, Alexander, Caesar, 
and others, and the German sagas, of which the best 
example is, perhaps, the Niebelungenlied (' Song of the 
Niebelungs '). Sometimes these themes were combined, 
as in the famous Parsifal of Wolfram von Eschenbach, 
where the Arthurian legends are united with that of the 
Holy Grail. During this period also were produced 
short tales in verse known as fabliaux. They were in- 
tended only to amuse, and were broadly humorous, and 
at times even obscene. 3 German, as well as Latin, pro- 
ductions adapted to the spirit of the times, are also found 
in the rollicking songs of the wandering students, which, 
like the fabliaux, satirized the monks and priests, and 
the constraint of the times, and voiced their joy in riot- 
ous and illicit pleasure. 4 

All this literature shows what change was taking place 
in the spirit of the age and in the type of audience for 
which it was written. These interesting and amusing, 
although at times coarse and vulgar, productions were 

1 See p. 65. 

2 The Middle High German Minne signifies ' love.' The most famous 
of the Minnesingers were Walther von der Vogelweide and Wolfram von 

8 They were soon recast in prose, and became the basis of Boccaccio's 
Decameron, Margaret of Navarre's Heptameron, some of Chaucer's Can- 
terbury Tales, and even of a number of indecent stories of the present 

4 See p. 86. 



clearly intended for the people of the town and tavern, 
which did not exist until the later Middle Ages. Yet 
they savor of the protest against the uniformity and 
absolutism still prevailing, and illustrate the progress 
toward the individualism of the Renaissance. 

Mediaeval Art. With the development of cities, 
wealth, and a new literature, art also began to appear, 
although painting consisted mostly of illuminations in 
religious and secular books, illustrative of the text or for 
the purpose of decoration. It contained very many 
symbols and was done according to stereotyped rules. 
Sculpture was also carried on, but was largely subordi- 
nate to architecture, which was the chief art of the Mid- 
dle Ages. Hence the works of the sculptor were mainly 
decorations upon pillars, altars, pulpits, choir screens, 
and clergy seats. These still appear in those beautiful 
cathedrals of the later Middle Ages, with their delicate 
towers, flying buttresses, exquisite windows, and massive 
pillars, which have not been equaled in modern archi- 
tecture. By the thirteenth century secular buildings, 
especially gild and town halls, of a similar finish and 
beauty, began to be constructed. 

Summary of the Middle Ages. This development in 
the spirit of politics, literature, and art, while not affect- 
ing educational ideals, institutions, and practices directly, 
is an indication of the intellectual activity of the times. 
However the earlier period may be characterized, the 
thirteenth century cannot be said to be altogether lack- 
ing in the development of culture, and under no circum- 
stances can it be regarded as the 'Dark Ages.' But, as 
we intimated at the outset of our study, 1 during the early 
part of the Middle Ages there was a general fading of 
the literature, culture, and institutions of Greece and 
Rome. Between the fifth and eighth centuries, with the 
inroads of the uncouth German tribes, there had come 
about an increasing decline of Roman civilization. The 
Roman buildings, art treasures, libraries, and systems of 

Art also 
especially in 
works of 
While most 
art was 
shown in the 
and their 
by the 
century secu- 
lar buildings 
began to be 

All this 
shows an 
activity that 
would indi- 
cate the 
absurdity of 
the term, 
' Dark Ages.' 

Yet, during 
the early 
Middle Ages 
there was a 
fading of the 
Roman in- 

1 See Chapter I. 



and in order 
to enable the 
Germans to 
absorb them, 
an authori- 
tative stand- 
ard was 

But the 



against this 




the bonds of 


and, through 
a variety of 
factors, there 
arose that 

of the human 
spirit known 
as the 

education had been mostly destroyed or lost, and even 
the magnificent Roman roads, which had so facilitated 
commerce and communication, were permitted to fall 
into disuse and decay. Civil order was largely ruined, 
and a class of people came into control who were too un- 
trained for classic learning and culture to continue. 

But barbarous as the Germans were, they were des- 
tined to absorb the Grseco- Roman civilization and the 
Christian ideals, and, amalgamating them with their own 
institutions, to pass them on to modern times. To stop 
the decay and bring these mediaeval people up to the 
level of the past, it was necessary to set an authoritative 
standard and repress all variation on the part of the 
individual. The human intellect was confined to narrow 
limits, and all efforts to obtain truth by investigation were 

Yet such bondage of the human spirit was unnatural, 
and the fetters upon individualism were bound to be 
broken. Throughout the Middle Ages there were 
periodic tendencies to rebel against the system. In fact, 
mediasvalism contained within itself the germ of its own 
emancipation. During the eighth century, as the barba- 
rians began to settle down and re-group themselves under 
Prankish kings, there came about a new order, culmi- 
nating in the Carolingian revival of education. While 
conditions were never as desperate again after this ad- 
vance, the disruption of Charlemagne's empire, the hard- 
ening of the feudal system, various civil wars, and the 
isolation of many parts of Europe, led before long to an- 
other decline. 

However, the bonds of absolutism and feudalism were 
gradually weakened, national monarchies and a secular 
spirit began to arise, and by the twelfth and thirteenth 
centuries a new revival, material and intellectual, had 
begun to appear. Several developments gave evidence 
of the expansion within, and helped to produce it. The 
worldly appeal of chivalry, the broadening of horizon 
produced by contact with the Moors, and through the 
Crusades, together with the growth of cities, gilds, com- 


merce, wealth, and luxury, the development of literature 
and art, and, above everything, the emancipation of 
thought and reason through the discussions of scholasti- 
cism and the foundation of universities, all helped by 
accumulation to make the last two centuries of the Middle 
Ages a period of increased activity and progress. And 
from this there was destined shortly to arise a great 
awakening of the human spirit and that revival of classic 
culture known as the Renaissance. 



mediaeval re- 
pression and 
were break- 
ing almost 
from the 
start, but not 
until the 
latter half of 
the four- 
teenth cen- 
tury was it 
apparent that 
these tend- 
encies were 
giving way 
to a renewed 



The General Tendencies of the Renaissance. A study 
of the Middle Ages has revealed how restricted and 
stereotyped intellectual activity had become, and how 
largely the cultural products of Greece and Rome had 
disappeared. Equally obvious were the efforts of the 
human spirit to burst through its confinement and uni- 
formity, and attain to some freedom of expression and a 
renewed individualism. The repression was slowly 
breaking almost from the time it was formed, but while 
there was a definite revival during the latter part of the 
eighth and the first half of the ninth centuries, and one 
much more marked in the twelfth and thirteenth, it was 
not until the latter half of the fourteenth century that 
the movement made itself really felt. 

At that time the transition was greatly accelerated, 
and it became evident that the dormant period had at 
length given way to the dawn. There appeared a gen- 
eral intellectual and cultural progress that began to free 
men from their bondage to ecclesiasticism and induce 
them to look at the world about them. The absolute 
adherence to an 'otherworldly' ideal that was character- 
istic of early Christianity and monasticism, the suspicion 
of the Latin and Greek classics, the restriction of learn- 
ing, the reception of the teachings of the Church without 
investigation, and the basing of all reasoning upon 
deductions therefrom were by this time rapidly disap- 
pearing. Such tendencies were clearly being replaced 
by a genuine joy in the life of this world, a broader field 



of knowledge and thought, and a desire to reason and 
deal with all ideas more critically. Uniformity and 
repression through authority were clearly giving way to 
renewed and enlarged ideals of individualism. The pur- 
pose of education was gradually coming to be no longer 
an attempt to adapt the individual to a fixed system, but 
to produce a differentiation of social activities and to 
encourage a realization of the individual in society. The 
days of mere absorption and assimilation were passing. 

The Renaissance and the Revival of Learning. This 
tremendous widening of the intellectual, aesthetic, and 
social horizon is generally known as the Renaissance 
('new birth'). Such a description, although it is now 
well fixed in historical terminology, may appear too 
strong. It seems to imply a long interval of hibernation 
during the mediaeval period from which there had at 
length come an awakening. Whereas, we have seen 
that the Middle Ages, while largely fixed and limited in 
their intellectual scope, certainly possessed considerable 
activity of their own, and the expanded outlook of the 
revival can be traced back to economic, political, and 
social factors that gradually arose during this very 
period of restriction. Yet, if the rapidity of the emanci- 
pation that resulted from these forces and the difference 
in the viewpoint of the two periods be taken into account, 
the term 'Renaissance' will seem more appropriate. It 
may be taken to indicate that the spirit of the Graeco- 
Roman development had returned, and that possibility 
of expression was granted to the individual once more. 
Hence the new era may well be viewed as "a re-birth of 
emotions and faculties long dormant, an awakening of 
man to a new consciousness of life and of the world in 
which he lives, and of the problems which life and the 
world present for the thinking mind to solve, and to a 
consciousness also of the power of the mind to deal with 
these problems." 1 

But this period is also properly known as a Revival 

1 Adams, Civilization during the Middle Ages, p. 365. 

The Middle 
Ages had 
activity of 
their own, 
but the 
rapidity of 
justifies the 

or ' new 



While the 
recovery of 
classical lit- 
erature did 
not cause the 
it greatly 
it, and the 
period, with 
its ardent 
search for 
may well be 
considered a 
' Revival of 

The move- 
ment, be- 
cause of its 
upon human 
affairs, be- 
came known 
as ' human- 
ism ' and its 
devotees as 
* humanist* 5 ,' 

of Learning. The awakening preceded the recovery of 
classical literature and learning, but intellectual freedom 
was very greatly heightened and forwarded thereby. 1 
The only food at hand that could satisfy the intellectual 
craving of the times was the literature and culture of the 
classical peoples. The discovery that the writings of 
the ancient world were filled with a genuine vitality and 
virility, and that the old authors had dealt with world 
problems in a profound and masterly fashion, and with 
far more vision than had ever been possible for the 
restricted medievalists, gave rise to an eager desire and 
enthusiasm for the classics that went beyond all bounds. 
As we have seen, 2 a knowledge of classical literature 
had never altogether disappeared, and various works 
had been preserved by the monks and others. To search 
out the manuscripts of the Latin and Greek writers, the 
monasteries, cathedrals, and castles were now ransacked 
from end to end. The manuscripts found were rapidly 
multiplied, and the greatest pains were taken to secure 
the correct form of every passage. The texts of the 
different manuscripts were carefully compared and re- 
vised in the light of history. Thus, besides the recov- 
ery of old knowledge, a better method of criticism and a 
development of the critical judgment were produced that 
were quite impossible under the scholastic system of 
the Middle Ages. 

Humanism and the Humanists. Because of their 
emphasis upon the beauty of this world and upon human 
affairs, rather than upon the life to come, the devotees 
of the new movement were generally called humanists, 
and in later times the intellectual phase of the Renais- 
sance became known as humanism? The new learning 

1 The old statement that the Renaissance was caused by the accidental 
recovery of classical works, or, still worse, by the Greek teachers taking 
refuge in Italy after the conquest of Constantinople in 1453, shows an 
ignorance of the social movements in the Middle Ages. 

2 See p. 15 and footnote on p. 17. 

8 Of course the development of painting and sculpture, and the prog- 
ress of discovery, during the Renaissance were fully as remarkable as the 
revival in literature, but they have little place here. Fainting began in the 


was regarded as that which taught mankind how to live 
most fittingly. So when he has discussed this type of 
education, the youthful enthusiast of Ferrara writes at 
the close of his treatise J : " Learning and training in 
virtue are peculiar to man; therefore our forefathers 
called them kumanitas, the pursuits, the activities, proper 
to mankind." These humanistic scholars were not the 
first to read the works of classical Latin, as this interest 
had been kept alive throughout the Middle Ages, but 
they were the first to reject the hard and narrow 'other- 
worldliness ' of medievalism and to find through the 
classics a joy in living and an inspiration to achieve- 
ment in this life. With the revival of these classical 
models, the humanists began to produce a literature of 
their own, such as had not existed since the palmiest 
days of Rome. Poetry, drama, and romances flourished, 
and the new motives eventually resulted also in the 
beginning of historical and social writings. Through 
the humanists and their works the spirit of modern 
times was ushered in. 

fourteenth century, but did not come to its height until the latter part of 
the fifteenth century with such masters as Fra Angelico and Botticelli in 
Florence and the Van Eycks in Holland, and in the sixteenth with Raph- 
ael, Michael Angelo, and Leonardo da Vinci in Rome, Andrea del Sarto 
in Florence, Titian in Venice, and Holbein and Dvirer in Germany. Later 
came the Flemish Rubens and Van Dyck, the Dutch Rembrandt, and the 
Spanish Velasquez. 

1 B. Guarino in his De Ordine Doccndi et Studendi. 



The move- Causes of the Awakening in Italy. This general 
becamtPevi- tendency toward an awakening was apparent throughout 
dent in Italy, Western Europe, but it first became evident in Italy. 
thTdoseness There were several special reasons why this part of the 
oftheitai- country should be the foremost to feel an intellectual 
papacy the \ quickening. They are mostly connected with the fact 
^that Italy was at this time the natural center of activity. 
This holds true of the political and commercial spheres 
even more than of the religious, but one main source of 
the early restiveness in the Italian peninsula appears in 
the fact that the seat of the Church was at Rome. The 
Italians were almost too close to the papacy to have the 
respect for that organization which was held by the rest 
of Christendom. They felt that the days of the pope as 
-Oa great international authority above all secular powers 
had passed. The pontiff was clearly no longer interested, 
as in the time of the Cluniac popes, in insisting upon a 
, spiritual supremacy that should include all nations, but 
was engaged with local Italian politics. He was at- 
tempting to maintain himself as a petty temporal ruler 
or to secure some small principality for his nephews or 
other relatives. It appeared that the large revenues 
that still came rolling in from all parts of Europe were 
being expended to increase the papal possessions or pro- 
mote some small Italian war. Hence the people of Italy 
came to regard the Church merely as a great business 
^organization, and became rather skeptical about the 
divine institution and authority of the pope. Theyjjegan 
tn think for thenrigplvpft niitsiHf; the scholastic system. 

The chief factor, however, in producing mental alert- 

-<^ness and early development in Italy was the political 

circumstances of her mediaeval history. This country 



was a regular storm center for civic and interstate 

quarrels. 1 In the first place, Italy never became a uni- ) 

fied nation, but remained to a large degree a series of / 

independent city-states. This was due to the fact that 

the country was legally a part of the Holy Roman Empire the continual 

under the rule of the king of the Germans, who was 

never able to make his control effective there. In the 

early period there was a count over each city who was 

supposed to represent the emperor, but was really a sort 

of feudal lord. Within the cities, however, the rule of 

the counts was soon disputed by the bishops, whose 

jurisdictions often coincided with those of the counts, 

and, as the bishops were generally supported by the 

people, the counts were eventually expelled. But the 

bishops, too, before long fell under the suspicion of 

the cities, which then gradually (1000-1100) took over 

the sovereign rights into their own hands and chose 

their officials by ballot. However, only a few of the 

influential families were allowed to have any voice in 

the government, and the other classes were constantly 

striving for representation. There was also a continual 

struggle between the higher and lower gilds, and between 

the great lords, who, after the decay of feudalism, had 

come into the cities from their castles. 2 Disgusted with 

this party strife and confusion, most of the cities at 

length allowed the government to slip into the hands of 

some usurper. Usually these despots concealed at first 

the real nature of the government by a misleading title, 

and by having their powers voted them anew each year, 3 

1 A good account of the political situation and the part it played in de- 
veloping individualism is given in Burckhardt, The Renaissance in Italy, 
Parts I and II. 

2 This was the underlying cause of the strife in Italian cities between 
the Guelphs and the Ghibellines. It was not so much that one party 
favored the pope and the other the emperor, as the historic opposition of 
two great families to each other and their seizure of this pretext as a basis 
of party differences. 

8 Such was the case with the podesta, capitano del popolo, and other 
similar offices in the various cities. Sometimes, however, as with 
Francesco Sforza at Milan, the government was seized by a condottiere, or 
leader of mercenary troops, who had been employed by the city. 


but the dictatorship generally became permanent 
(1250-1450), and the hereditary rule was vested in cer 
tain families. 

Hence, throughout its mediaeval history Italy had 
undergone constant turmoil in politics. There were 
continual struggles with the emperor, conflicts between 
the several cities, and civil strife in the cities themselves. 
/One result of this political unrest was that the citizens 
\were kept constantly on the outlook for their own safety 
and interests, and their wits were greatly sharpened. 1 
Even the exile, into which one party or another was con- 
stantly forced, had the effect of broadening their vision 
and bringing out the greatest possibilities within them. 
And so, where birth counted for little, and ability and 
energy might at any time win control, these cities of Italy 
^> became very democratic and independent. Individualism 
was greatly heightened and a natural opening afforded 
for the Renaissance. 

thecommer- But there was yet another important factor in the 
ciai activity, intellectual development of Italy. This is found in 
the commercial intercourse of the Italian cities with other 
countries, which, for various physiographic and historic 
reasons, had become extraordinarily active. The coast- 
line and harborage of Italy are, in proportion to the area 
of the country, the greatest of any in Europe, and during 
the Crusades the Italian cities obtained the most exten- 
sive trade relations that had ever been known. Venice, 
Genoa, and a few other ports of Italy for a time controlled 
the commerce of the world, and through these channels 
unprecedented wealth and luxury poured into the lap of 
Europe. This commercial activity and contact with 
different traditions had a remarkable intellectual effect, 
and tended to open the minds of the Italians, break up 
their old conceptions, free them of prejudice, and increase 
their thirst for learning. 

andthesur. \ It should be noted, furthermore, that the gho.sL-of- the 
csics f in e classic^ages- still haunted its old home. A knowledge 

* y* 1 This intellectual alertness was in many instances heightened by the 

necessity of drawing up or modifying the constitution of the city. 


of the Latin tongue had never ceased to exist in Italy, 
and many manuscripts of the Latin and Greek authors 
had been preserved. 1 The influence of the old writers 
during the Renaissance was due to what had long been 
known rather than to the discovery of a great deal that 
was new. There was needed in Italy only an intellec- 
tual quickening sufficient to shake off the thraldom to 
the Church and produce an appreciation of classical 
literature and culture in order to bring back this spirit 
of the past into real pulsating life. 

In this way, from a combination of a variety of forces, 
there becomes more and more evident in Italy a remark- 
able widening of the intellectual, aesthetic, and social 
horizon. Authority began to give way to independence 
and reason, and the individual burst his mediaeval bonds 
and obtained faith in himself. "In the Middle Ages," 
declares Burckhardt, " human consciousness lay dream- 
ing or half awake beneath a common veil. The veil 
was woven of faith, illusion, and childish prepossession, 
through which the world and history were seen clad in 
strange hues. Man was conscious of himself only as 
member of a race, people, party, family, or corporation 
only through some general category. In Italy this 
veil first melted into air ; man became a spiritual indi- 
vidual, and recognized himself as such. In the same 
way the Greek had once distinguished himself from the 
barbarian. At the close of the thirteenth century Italy 
began to swarm with individuality ; the charm laid 
upon human personality was dissolved ; and a thousand 
figures meet us, each in its own special shape and dress." 

Thus there was a return to the ideals of individualism 
that existed in the classical civilization, and men of 
many-sided development appeared once more. " When 
this impulse to the highest individual development," 
adds the authority quoted, " was combined with a power- 
ful and varied nature, which had mastered all the 

1 There were also occasionally anachronistic revivals of the Roman 
senate and other features of the ancient government. See the revolts of 
Crescentius and of Arnold of Brescia. 

These vari- 
ous factors 
produced a 
return to in- 
and account 
for the 
of ' many- 
sided ' men. 



The earliest 

who empha- 
sized the 
present, self- 
and indi- 
and vigor- 
ously op- 
posed the 
and insti- 

elements of the culture of the age, then arose the 
' all-sided man ' /' uomo universale who belonged to 
Italy alone. Men there were of encyclopaedic knowl- 
edge in many countries during the Middle Ages, for this 
knowledge was not confined within narrow limits. . . . 
But in Italy, at the time of the Renaissance, we find 
artists who in every branch created new and perfect 
works, and who also made the greatest impression as 
men. Others, outside the arts they practiced, were 
masters of a vast circle of spiritual interests." There 
is not space here to describe the work of every one of 
these 'all-sided' men, but some of them are of such 
importance to the history of culture and education, as 
theorists or practical men, that some mention of them 
cannot be omitted. 

Petrarch and His Influence. Probably the man who 
should stand as the earliest 1 great humanist was Fran- 
cesco Petrarca (1304-1374), or Petrarch, as he is com- 
monly called. In him we find the very embodiment of 
the Renaissance spirit. 2 He completely repudiates the 
' otherworldly ' ideal of mediaevalism, and is keenly 
aware of the beauties and the joy of this life. He 
emphasizes the present and the opportunities for self- 
development in this world. In him appear the modern 
desire for personal fame, and an aggressive faith in his 
own ability to gain it. There is evident in him at all 
times a marked individualism and an abhorrence of an 
appeal to authority. He does not hesitate to attack the 
most hoary of traditions, and to rely upon observation, 
investigation, and reason. Hence he strongly reacts 

1 The world-renowned Dante, who belonged to the generation before 
Petrarch, can hardly, despite his modern independence and individualistic 
tendencies, be considered a real humanist. The picture of the future life 
that is portrayed in the Divina Commedia and his theology in general 
are thoroughly mediaeval, and his interest in Vergil, Homer, and other 
classical writers, who appear in his great epic, was not unknown in other 
works of the Middle Ages. Monroe regards Dante's // Convito as the 
natural link between the mediaeval period and the awakening. 

2 See the interpretation of Petrarch in Adams, Civilization during tht 
Middle Ages, pp. 375-377. 


from scholasticism, and objects to the absolute depend- 
ence upon Aristotle, who had so fully become the 
philosopher of the Church. He says : 

" I believe that Aristotle was a great man, and that he knew 
much ; yet he was but a man, and therefore something, nay, many 
things, may have escaped him. I am confident, beyond a doubt, 
that he was in error all his life, not only as regards small matters, 
where a mistake counts for little, but in the most weighty questions, 
where his supreme interests were involved." 1 

Likewise, Petrarch's impatience with the conservatism 
and narrowness of the universities, which he stamps as 
' nests of gloomy ignorance,' is vented in such tirades as 
the following : 

" The youth ascends the platform mumbling nobody knows what. 
The elders applaud, the bells ring, the trumpets blare, the degree is 
conferred, and he descends a wise man who went up a fool." 2 

Consequently, he feels a kinship with the thinkers He felt a 
and writers of the past age, when independence, aes- |he S past^nd 
thetic culture, and breadth were given more scope, and endeavored 
holds that their works must be recovered before their andem^ 
spirit can be continued. This led to a tremendous en- culture, 
thusiasm for the Latin classics, and, while Petrarch had 
been bred to the law, much of his life was spent in 
restoring ancient culture. He devoted himself during 
his extensive travels largely to collecting manuscripts 
of the old Latin writers, which had previously been 
widely scattered, and endeavoring to repair in them the 
ravages of time. He likewise inspired every one he 
met with a desire to gather and study the works of the 
classic authors. 

Petrarch's own works, too, whether literary, critical, Hisciassical 
or ethical, are naturally filled with the classic spirit, shown^his 
Besides the beautiful sonnets, ballads, and other lyrics Epistoiee, z?< 
that appear in his Canzoniere ('Collection of Songs'), j^us^ud 


1 Petrarch, De Sui Ipsius et Multorum Ignorantia in Opera (1581), 
pp. 1042-1043. 

2 See Mullinger, A History of the University of Cambridge, Vol. I, 
p. 382, note 2. 


He visited 
many Ital- 
ian cities 
and spread 
the Renais- 
sance spirit. 

Among those 
inspired by 
Petrarch was 
who wrote in 
the classical 
spirit and de- 
voted most of 
his life to 

for which he is especially known to literature, he wrote 
a large number of Latin works, which, while now little 
mentioned, had the greatest effect upon the times. 
Among other writings, he produced several collections 
of Episiola (' Letters '), a work of erudition called De 
Viris Illustribus (' On Famous Men '), and an epic poem 
on Scipio Africanus known as Africa. Some of his 
letters were indited to Cicero, Homer, and other classical 
persons as if they were still living. 

The climax of his career was reached at the age of 
thirty-six. In that year he was invited by both the 
University of Rome and the University of Paris to 
become their poet laureate. He chose to be honored 
by the former institution, and on Easter of 1341 he was 
publicly crowned with a laurel wreath on the Capitol at 
Rome. After this, he visited many Italian cities, and 
was received in honor by all. He did much to spread 
the Renaissance spirit, and became the literary and 
scholastic progenitor of a multitude that proved greater 
than he. But, as a modern authority has said, "if he 
was, before many generations, excelled in more than 
one respect, it was only as the discoverer of the New 
World would ere long have had to give way before the 
knowledge of a schoolboy." ! Thus, in the words of 
Renan, Petrarch was ' the first modern man.' 2 

Among the younger scholars and literary men around 
Petrarch was Giovanni Boccaccio (l$l$l$7$). While a 
great admirer and correspondent of the elder humanist, 
Boccaccio never met him until the brief visit of Petrarch 
to Florence in I35O. 3 Before this the youthful poet* 
had resided at the court of Naples, where literary men 
were numerous, and had already displayed his admira- 
tion for the ancients, advanced far in his classical studies, 

1 Voigt, Die \Viederbelebung des classischen Alterthums, Vol. I, p. 22, 
quoted by Robinson and Rolfe, Petrarch, pp. 8-9. 

2 Renan, Averro'es, p. 328. 

8 See Petrarcha, Epistola de Rebus Familiaribus, XXI, 15, and. Epistola 
de Rebus Senilibus, V, 3. 

4 Cf. the final phrase of the epitaph he wrote for himself, studium 
fuit alma poesis. 



Barzizza, the 

and produced in Italian a number of important ro- 
mances, tales, and poems with classical allusions, of 
which the most famous is his Decamerone (' Ten-Day 
Book'). But in Florence he developed, through the 
influence of Petrarch, a perfect passion for the ancient 
writers, and devoted most of the rest of his life to 
classical culture. He obtained a wide knowledge of 
the Latin writers, and searched out, preserved, and had 
copied as many ancient manuscripts as possible. So 
keen was his interest in the classics, that, upon visiting 
the library at Monte Cassino and finding it neglected 
and badly mutilated, he is said by a pupil to have been 
moved to tears. 1 

A younger humanist enthused through Petrarch's 
work was Gasparino da Barzizza { 1370-1431). Barzizza 
earned a larger reputation for scholarship than either humansts 
Petrarch or Boccaccio. He became a great collector of ^ as a ' s ? en ~ 

_. e _ thused by 

the manuscripts of Cicero, and was the first to approach Petrarch. 
the study of that author in a critical and analytic spirit. 
He treated Latin as a living tongue and did not hesitate 
to modify the standard vocabulary and style of Cicero 
for the purposes of his day. 

The Development of Greek Scholarship. Numerous 
other humanists were descended from the coterie of , 

Petrarch, but with all this revival of Latin literature, for 
some time there was little done with the Greek. Dur- 
ing the Middle Ages that language had almost disap- 
peared in Europe, and the greatest Greek authors were 
accessible only through Latin translations. 2 Even the 
authoritative philosopher of the Church, Aristotle, was 
known simply through a small and unimportant part 
of his writings. Of Homer there existed in Latin the 
merest summary of the Iliad, written by Silius Italicus, 
for even the translation of Livius Andronicus had been 

1 See Benvenuto on Dante, Paradiso, XXII, 74 f., quoted in full by 
Sandys, Classical Scholarship, Vol. II, p. 13. 

2 Where the names of Greek poets or philosophers are cited in mediae- 
val writers, it is to be assumed that this knowledge comes at second hand 
from the Latin versions. 



lost. The other great writers, historians, poets, and 
orators, had fared even worse. 

But a knowledge of the Greek language and litera- 
ture st *^ persisted in the Eastern empire, and the hu- 
manists of Italy were, through the works of the Latin 
autnors > constantly directed back to the writings of the 
Greeks, and became eager to read them in the original. 
Attempts were made by several humanists to learn 
Greek. Greece and Constantinople were frequently 
visited, and active efforts made to secure copies of the 
Greek authors. Petrarch had begun Greek under Bar- 
laam, a Calabrian Greek, who had been sent as an 
envoy from Constantinople, but his study of the lan- 
guage had been interrupted. Later, when a friend J sent 
him a copy of Homer, Petrarch pathetically wrote: 

" Thy Homer is dumb to me, while I most certainly am deaf to 
him. Nevertheless, I am delighted at the very sight of him." 2 

In the same letter he thanks his friend also for a 
manuscript of Plato, and, in an epistle to Boccaccio, 
urged that scholar to translate the Homer into Latin. 3 
Boccaccio had been able to secure the guidance of a 
pupil of Barlaam named Leonzio Pilato, and had thus 
become the first humanist to gain any real knowledge 
of the Greek language. At the request of Petrarch, 
Pilato and Boccaccio made a translation of the Iliad and 
Odyssey. While this version was in wretched Latin, it 
gave all of Homer to the humanists, and greatly en- 
couraged the study, of the Greek authors. 

Thus, before the close of the fourteenth century, 
teachers of Greek often came to be invited to Italy. In 
H53 Constantinople fell into the hands of the Turks, 
and the Greek scholars fled to Italy, carrying with them 
many treasures of literature. No labor or expense was 
spared in discovering and copying these manuscripts, or 
in multiplying translations of the Greek authors. In 
this way, by the second half of the fifteenth century, a 

1 Nicolaus Syocerus, another envoy from Constantinople. 

2 See Epistola Varies, XX, p. 998. 
*Epistola De Rebus Senilibtu, VI, p. 807. 



sufficient number of the Greek, as well as of the Latin, 
classics was secured to lay the foundations of modern 
scholarship. Not until then did texts of the authors and 
works on inflection and syntax become common and 
simple enough to make Greek learning a part of the 
training of every educated man. 

Chrysoloras and His Pupils. The first great man of 
learning to settle in Italy and teach Greek was Manuel 
Chrysoloras (1350-1415). When sent to Venice by the 
Eastern emperor in 1393 to implore aid against the 
Turks, he was besieged by the young Italian scholars to 
give them Greek lessons during his stay. Three years 
later^he was invited to the professorship of Greek, which 
the influence of Boccaccio had established at Florence 
for Pilato, and readily accepted. With shorter or longer 
intervals of absence, for sixteen years he taught here 
and in Pavia, Venice, Milan, Padua, and Rome. He 
started schools in various cities, made a series of trans- 
lations of Greek authors, and composed a work on Greek 
grammar called Erotemata (' Questions '), which long 
remained the basis of Greek instruction for the Italians. 
From his efforts sprang several generations of scholars, 
who made the great works of Greek literature known 
throughout Europe. So, just as the revival of classical 
Latin had been started by Petrarch, a second impulse 
was given the Renaissance through the instruction of 
Chrysoloras in Greek. 

Among the first Italian pupils of Chrysoloras was 
Niccolo de' Niccoli (1364-1437), who was instrumental in 
inducing the Signory of Florence to call that scholar to 
the university. Niccoli acted as literary minister to 
Cosimo de' Medici, 1 and advised him in his purchase of 
manuscripts and his distribution of financial assistance 
to scholars. His biographer 2 tells us that " if he heard 
of any book in Greek or Latin not to be had in Florence, 
he spared no cost in getting it ; the number of the Latin 

but not until 
1396, when 
settled in 
Italy, did the 
classics be- 
come gener- 
ally known. 

Among the 
pupils of 
were Niccplo 
de' Niccoli, 
the literary 
minister to 
Cosimo de* 
Medici ; 

1 See p. 122. 

2 Vespasian, Vita di Niccolo, p. 473. 



Bruni, author 
of De Studiis 
et Literis ; 

Guarino, who 
trained a 
number of 
brilliant hu- 
manists, in- 
and opened 
a court 
school at 

books which Florence owes entirely to his generosity 
cannot be reckoned." And he allowed any one who 
wished, to consult or borrow his books or discuss them 
with him. Before his death, he had collected or copied 
with his own hand some eight hundred volumes, and be- 
queathed them for public use to the library of San Marco. 1 

Another well-known pupil of Chrysoloras was Leo- 
nardo Bruni (1569-1444)? He had previously been a 
student of civil law, but upon the arrival of Chrysoloras 
he declared to himself that "there are in every city 
scores of doctors of civil laws ; but should this single 
and unique teacher of Greek be removed, thou wilt find 
no one to instruct thee." As a result, Bruni began to 
study under Chrysoloras. He became devoted to Greek 
literature, and made excellent translations of Homer, 
Plato, Aristotle, Demosthenes, Plutarch, and other Greek 
writers. He also left works of his own composition, 
including a treatise on humanistic education called De 
Studiis et Literis (' On the Study of Literature '). 

Guarino da Verona^ (13741460), however, was the 
most famous humanist to study under Chrysoloras. For 
five years he was in the home of that scholar at Con- 
stantinople, after Chrysoloras had first returned from 
Italy. In 1408 the young humanist came back, and, 
through the influence of Bruni, started a private school 
of classics at Florence under the patronage of Niccoli 
and other prominent citizens. When the University of 
Florence was reopened four years later, he was ap- 
pointed to the professorship of Greek previously held by 
Chrysoloras. Here and at Venice and Padua he trained 
in Greek a number of brilliant young scholars, including 
Vittorino. In middle life, Guarino undertook the train- 
ing of Leonello, son of Niccolo d'Este, the Marquis of 

1 Half of the volumes were placed in the Marcian collection, but the 
other half were kept by Cosimo for the Medicean library. See Symonds, 
The Revival of Learning, pp. 173-174. 

2 Sometimes called d Arezzo or Aretino from his birthplace. 

8 He was usually known as da Verona or Veronese from his birthplace, 
but he was also called Guarino dei Guarini. 



Ferrara, but was allowed to receive other youths into the 
school. Thus a species of court school was founded 
which was continued even after a university was opened 
at Ferrara, and Guarino was made one of the professors. 

From Guarino's teaching came many distinguished 
and scholarly humanists. Among them was his son, the 
brilliant Battista Guarino (1434-1513), who succeeded 
to his chair at Ferrara and continued his methods. This 
younger Guarino at twenty-five wrote a well-known 
treatise on humanistic education called De Ordine 
Docendi et Studendi (' On the Method of Teaching and 
Studying '). 

Other famous humanists to feel the influence of 
Chrysoloras were Braccolini Poggio (1380-1459), who, 
through the patronage of Niccoli, was rivaled only by 
Guarino as a finder of manuscripts, and Francesco Filelfo 
(1398-1481), who had been trained in Latin by Barzizza, 
and in turn had among his pupils the two great 
humanist popes, Nicholas V and Pius II. But probably 
the most remarkable pupil of Chrysoloras was Pietro 
Paolo Vergerio (1349-1420), or Vergerius. Although 
already one of the most learned scholars of the day, he 
did not disdain at fifty years of age to sit with the 
youths at the feet of the great Byzantine scholar. A 
few years after studying with Chrysoloras he wrote the 
most widely read treatise on the humanistic education, 
De Ingenuis Moribus et Studiis Liberalibus (' On Noble 
Character and Liberal Studies '). 

The City Tyrants as Humanists and Founders of Edu- 
cation. Thus during the fifteenth century there ap- 
peared a host of famous humanists, skilled both in Latin 
and Greek. A powerful support to the efforts of these 
scholars resulted from the rivalry of the Italian cities. 
The tyrant in control of each place was keenly aware 
of his usurpation and the illegitimacy of his title, and 
had to rely largely upon city pride to maintain his power. 
"With his thirst of fame and his passion for monu- 
mental works, it was talent, not birth, which he needed. 
In the company of the poet and scholar, he felt himself 

where he was 
succeeded by 
his son, 
Battista ; 

and Poggio, 
Filelfo, and 
the learned 

The city ty- 
rants fostered 
humanism to 
add luster to 
their rule. 



Gian Gale- 
azzo Visconti 
founded a 
library and 
university ; 
Cosimp de' 
Medici sup- 
ported hu- 
established a 
' Platonic 
and founded 
the Medicean 
library; and 
Lorenzo de' 
Medici pro- 
cured manu- 
scripts and 
scholars and 

in a new position, almost, indeed, in possession of a new 
legitimacy." l In order to appeal to a people of intel- 
lectual acumen and classical enthusiasm, he was forced 
to do everything possible to propagate the humanistic 
movement and make his city illustrious. 

Perhaps the most typical examples of these humanist 
princes are found among the Visconti at Milan and the 
Medici at Florence. The former extended their power 
over northern Italy and culminated with the brilliant, 
though corrupt, Gian Galeazzo Visconti (1378-1402). 
He founded a library at Pavia, reorganized the univer- 
sity at Piacenza, and was generally a liberal patron of 
art, literature, and scholarship. The Medici showed a 
similar interest in humanism, and made their power 
secure in this way even more than through political 
ability. Cosimo de' Medici (1389-1464), the first to rule 
Florence and the founder of the dynasty, sympathized 
greatly with scholars, and, through Niccoli, furnished 
them with the means of forwarding their ambitions. 2 
It was in his time that Gemisthos Pletho was induced to 
come from Greece and establish the Platonic Academy 
in Florence. Cosimo also projected a great public 
library, and within two years had forty-five authors in 
two hundred volumes copied from libraries at Milan, 
Bologna, and elsewhere. These books formed the 
nucleus of the famous Medicean library, which its 
founder left with a collection of some eight thousand 
volumes. 3 Cosimo had a worthy successor in his grand- 
son, Lorenzo de' Medici (1448-1492), ordinarily known 
as il Magnifico (' the Magnificent'). Lorenzo was a 
model prince, humanist, and public benefactor. He 
encouraged Greek learning and twice sent an agent to 
Greece to procure manuscripts. To give luster to his 
rule, he gathered about him and maintained a famous 

1 Burckhardt, The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy, p. 9. 

2 See pp. 119 f. 

8 See Vespasiano, Vita di Cosimo, cc. XII, seqq. 

This library, also called the Laurentian from its proximity to the 
Church of San Lorenzo, to-day contains about twelve thousand manu- 
scripts, many of which are important and valuable to classical scholars. 



circle of humanists and artists, including Politian, Miran- 
dola, da Vinci, and Michael Angelo. 

But, besides the Visconti and the Medici, Federigo 
da Montefeltro, who had assumed the title of Duke 
of Urbino, Francesco da Carrara, Lord of Padua, 
Niccolo a" Este, Marquis of Ferrara, Alfonso of Naples, 
and other princes later showed a like activity in for- 
warding the new learning and culture, and in attract- 
ing scholars to their courts. The humanists would 
otherwise have found it difficult to maintain themselves, 
as they were not for some time encouraged to teach in 
the universities, and could not hope to make a living 
from writing books. Their only prospect lay in the 
patronage of one of the princes, who were able to use 
both their private resources and the funds of their cities. 

The Court School at Mantua and Vittorino da Feltre. 
In some instances these court circles promoted the new 
learning informally, but often, where a scholar had been 
taken into the family of a prince as a private tutor, chil- 
dren of the neighboring aristocracy were associated and 
a regular school was started. Court schools of this sort 
soon existed at Florence, Venice, Padua, Pavia, Verona, 
Ferrara, and several other cities. The most famous of 
these schools was that organized by Vittorino da Feltre 1 
(1378-1446) at Mantua. 

Vittorino had been trained at Padua in the very home 
of Barzizza, the greatest of living Latinists, and under 
the influence of the humanistic ideas 2 and example of 
Vergerius. When he had obtained his degree, he re- 
mained in Padua and studied mathematics under the 
ablest of private masters. In 1415, after staying in 
Padua as student and teacher for nearly a score of 
years, he took up Greek with Guarino in Venice. Five 
years later he returned to Padua, where he received 

1 His name was really Vittore dai Rambaldoni, but he was generally 
known as da Feltre from the town of his birth. Feltre was in northeast 
Italy, near Venice. 

2 For the treatise of Vergerius on humanistic education, see pp. 121 and 
131 f. 

Schools grew 
up at the 
courts of 
these tyrants. 

The best 
known of 
these schools 
was that es- 
tablished by 
the Marquis 
of Mantua 
under the 
mastership of 
the famous 
da Feltre. 



The school 
was located 
in the most 
pleasant sur- 
and the 
pupils were 
under the 
of Vittorino. 

pupils in his own house and looked after their morals 
as well as instructed them in the humanities. 

Thus when he was called at forty-five to found a 
school for the children of Gianfrancesco Gonzaga, Mar- 
quis of Mantua, Vittorino had received the best possible 
education of the times in Latin, Greek, and mathematics, 
and had greatly distinguished himself as a teacher and 
a man of piety. The marquis wished to secure a lead- 
ing humanist to add luster to his court, and, failing to 
induce Guarino, turned to the other great light, whom 
Guarino himself had recommended. Vittorino disliked 
courts and the morals of court life, but finally replied : 

" I accept the appointment, on this understanding only, that you 
require from me nothing which shall be in any way unworthy of 
either of us : and I will continue to serve you as long as your own 
life shall command respect." 

These conditions were granted and were abided by 
until the day of Vittorino's death, twenty-three years 
later. The marquis and his wife allowed him to shape 
the school exactly as he wished, and granted him sup- 
port and sympathy in every move. 

The location of the school was ideal. It occupied a 
former pleasure-house situated on a little eminence in 
the park surrounding the palace. The building was large 
and dignified, and most handsomely proportioned. Inside, 
the rooms were high, and the corridors broad, although, 
to give the place a studious atmosphere, Vittorino had 
stripped it of its sumptuous furnishings. The beautiful 
meadows surrounding furnished an ample and attrac- 
tive playground. By an adaptation of the former name, 
Vittorino most happily called the school La Casa Giocosa 
(' The Pleasant House '^ Vittorino and the princes 
lived in the schoolhouse, and scions of the leading 
Mantuan families, together with the sons of Vittorino's 
personal friends 2 and promising boys of every de- 

1 This was simply a play upon the former name of La Casa Zoyosa 
(' House of Pleasure '). 

2 Among others were the sons of such distinguished scholars as Guarino, 
Poggio, and Filelfo. 



gree, 1 who were received into the school at his request, 
dwelt near enough to be under his immediate supervision. 
He was most strict in his selection of masters and of at- 
tendants, that the morals of the pupils might be of the 
highest. Likewise, the ' father of his scholars/ as Vit- 
torino held himself to be, looked out for their food,. 

clothing, andJlfialih, and shared in their 
and leasures. It was the-intention of 

interact c 
Vjttorina to 

secure for his pupils that harmonious development of 
mind r bodyy a^d moyyla thaft the old Greeks had 
known as a ' liberal education.' He emphasized the 
practical and social side of the individual's efficiency, 
and wished to j-f arp his pupils for a life of activity 

He aimed 
at a harmon- 
ious develop- 
ment of 
mind, body, 
and morals ; 

rhfttoriHans anrT 

desire was to 

God and state 

called upon to 

and sg3flpe,and not merly to 
pedants. As a pupil of his put it, his 
educate young men " who should serve 
in whatever position they should be 

To accomplish this, Vittorino felt that the best sub- 
jects, were those connected jwith the grammatical and 
literary study_of the Greek and Roman writers. The" 
pupils learneH to converse in X,atln from the begin- 
ning, and there were games with letters for the youngest 
and simple exercises to train them in clear articulation 
and proper accent and emphasis. Also, before the 
boys were ln, they were HrjlJed in memorizing jjjid 
reciting with intelligence the easier portions of .classic 
authors. This elocutionary work, which was increased 
in length and difficulty as the boys grew older, gave 
them an excellent grasp of vocabulary, rhythm, and 

As they advanced, the pupils read a variety of Latin 
writers, and soon took up jjieek. They then carried on 
a study of the Hellenic poets, orators, and historians, 
and continued those of Rome. The Church Fathers, both 
LatirFand (jreek^jwere also {studied. Thus every class 

1 Each pupil paid in proportion to his means; the poorest, of whom 
there were sometimes as many as seventy, wer not only taught free, but 
even clothed and boarded without charge. 

by means of 
a broad 
study of the 


dictation ; 

by games 
and physical 
exercises ; 
and by 
moral and 
religious pre- 
cept and 

of subject matter was obtained from the classical and 
patristic writers, and even the study of the seven liberal 
arts was retained, although with a different relative im- 
portance and a new interpretation as to content. The 
mathematical subjects were especially enlarged in scope, 
and taught in connection with drawing, mensuration, sur- 
veying, and other applications. Because of the lack of 
books, the teaching was carried on largely by dictation. 
The works of Guarino and Chrysoloras gave the pupils 
some command of inflections, but their knowledge of 
vocabulary, idiom, and syntax had to be acquired induc- 
tively. The master usually dictated the vocabulary and 
inflections of the passage, then translated and explained 
it, commented on the style, and drew moral lessons from 
the subject matter. Thejre_was 4 ..further, a careful drill 
in Latin and Greek composition and in translating from 
Latin into Greek. 

As we have noted, physical and moral education were 
insisted upon quite as fully as intellectual. Vjttorino 
Introduced especially fencing, wrestling, clancing, ball- 
playing, running, and leaping, in all of which he was 
himself an expert. Th purpose of these, however, was 
to aid and stimulate the mental powers. Likewise, he 
believed that there could be no true education without 
religion, and both by precept and- example inculcated 
piety, reverence, and religious observances. As it has 
been pointed out, the Christian authors, especially Au- 
gustine, were largely read, but Vittorino believed that 
truth and moral beauty could be derived also from the 
classic writings. The use of dictation enabled him to 
expurgate at will, and throughout he chose the passages 
to be read with reference to r 'harP rtf *r hnildmg 

But the general method of Vit^rir" wag the most 
notable feature of his school. He was__ompletely ab- 
sorbed in his pupils. He carefully studied their ability, 
interests, and the career contemplated by each. He 
has been quoted as saying : 

" We are not to expect that every boy will display the same tastes 
or the same degree of mental capacity; and, whatever our own 



predilection may be, we recognize that we must follow Nature's lead. 
Now she has endowed no one with aptitude for all kinds of knowl- 
edge, very few, indeed, have talent in three or four directions, but 
every one has received some gift, if only we can discover it." 

On the basis of this conception, Vittorino selected the 
studies and method best suited to each intelligence, and 
thus inaugurated a thoroughly elastic course for the 
school. Under such circumstances, it is not remarkable 
that the discipline of the school was mild, and corporal 
punishment was almost unknown. The appellation of 
' Pleasant House ' must have seemed to the pupils to be 
no misnomer. 

Thus VittorinQ's was the most potent influence upon 
the educationaljaractice of the times. He introduced the 
wider curriculum and brought out the "real spirit and indi- 
vidualism of the classics. He saw the important rela- 
tion of the physical to the mental, the necessity for moral 
and religious elements in education, and carried out the 
Greek ideal of harmonious development. Intuitively, 
he anticipated much of modern pedagogical theory, 
especially in his regard for the personality of the stu- 
dent. Questions of pjn^ content, andjnethod that were 
ifTa state of flux when he began his worlTat Mantua 
were definitely settled before his death. Vittorino natu- 
rally made a profound impression upon all his contem- 
poraries and pupils, and educated a large number of 
distinguished ecclesiastics, statesmen, scholars, teachers, 
and rulers. Well might his successor, Platina, declare 
that "the death of this man was a bitter grief not 
merely to a single state, but to all Greece and Italy." 

The Relation of the Court Schools to the Universi- 
ties. Such were the court school at Mantua and the 
educational work of the greatest schoolmaster of the 
early Renaissance. The description has been given 
somewhat in detail, because the tramfog ojf the Mantuan 
schooLis- broadly typical of 'thnj^jtf fhr TTTnTT-irmnH' 
schools, and of the Renaissance education in general. 
TlTe school of Guarino at Ferrara, 1 for instance, differed 

1 See pp. 120 f. 

thus broad- 
ened the 
revived the 
Greek ' har- 
monious de 
and antici- 
pated much 
in modern 
theory. He 
made a pro- 
found im- 
pression on 
the times. 

The Man- 
tuan school 
was typical 
of many 
other court 




schools soon 
rivaled or 
mented the 
which gradu- 
ally took up 
the new 

slightly in aim and curriculum, but it made use very 
largely of the Greek and Latin literature, and recog- 
nized the importance of physical and moral, as well as 
intellectual, training in the making of a well-rounded 

These court schools, while taking pupils very early, 
often retained them until they were twenty-one, and 
covered as much, if not more, ground than the arts 
course of the universities. They were, in a way, com- 
petitors of the older institutions. A student might, for 
the sake of a degree, go from a court school to the 
university, but, as a rule, if what he wished were a 
general course, 1 he would be satisfied with the greater 
prestige that came from being a pupil of one of the 
distinguished humanists that the court schools were 
generally able to retain at their head. 

In fact, the want of hospitality, if not the actual 
hostility, of universities to the nejuu learning, often 
stimulated the growth of court schools. A"t Mantua 
there was no university, and the court school re- 
mained independent, while the school of Guarino, nec- 
essarily from the connection of that scholar, always 
had close relations with the University of Ferrara, but 
in many instances where the university was especially 
conservative, a court school was set up by its side as a 
professed rival. Gradually, however,, the new learning 
crept into all the universities^ and the classical literature 
of the Greeks and Romans largely took the place of the 
former grammar^ rhetoric, and dialectic. _ Before_Jbe 
close of the fifteenth century P Florences-Pa Hn a. Eavia. 
Mjlan7 Ferrara, Rome, and other cities had admitted the 
humanities to their universities, and the other university 
seats were not jongjm followih^ their example! 

Attitude of the Humanists toward the Church. It 
would seem that some of the humanists were able to 
combine the pagan culture with their Christian princi- 
ples. Such was the case with Vergerius, Bruni, Guarino, 

1 If he desired a professional training in law, medicine, or theology, he 
would, of course, be obliged to go to a university. 



and Vittorino, who sought to use the ancient learning, 
together with the Christian writers, as a means of teach- 
ing morals. But the implications of humanism were 
logically destructive of Church dogma and tradition, if 
not of all Christianity. With some humanists the new 
learning really resulted in a revival of paganism and a 
repudiation of the Church. This seems to have been 
true at least of Poggio and Filelfo, and partially so of 
Valla, who were inclined to substitute humanism for 
Catholic allegiance. Valla (I4O/-I457), 1 who was the 
most learned of the humanists and the first great 
critical scholar in the modern sense, even went so 
far in his opposition as to deny the apostolic origin 
of the Symbolum Apostolicum ('Apostles' Creed'), to 
declare the Constantini Donatio ('Donation of Con- 
stantine ') 2 a forgery, and, in his Adnotationes, to subject 
Jerome's Vulgate translation of the New Testament to 
a critical comparison with the Greek original. 

But very few ventured to attack the doctrines of the 
Church so directly, or to give vent to the skepticism 
they felt. The majority were genuinely indifferent, or 
stayed in outward conformity to the dogmas, with a 
complete irreligion within. 3 In fact, many who were 
enthusiastic supporters of the new learning and were of 
pagan disposition attained to places of great prominence 
in the Church. Two pupils of the skeptical Filelfo even 
came to the papal throne as Nicholas V (1398-1455) 
and Pius II (1405-1464). The former, when only a 
monk, went deeply into debt to secure manuscripts of 
the classical authors, but was given financial assistance 
by Cosimo de' Medici. After his elevation he used the 

1 Lorenzo delta Valle, generally known as Laurentius Valla, was for a 
short time a pupil of Vittorino at Mantua, and became an itinerant pro- 
fessor of philosophy and classics at Pavia, Milan, Genoa, Ferrara, Mantua, 
and Naples. 

2 This was a document by which the emperor Constantine was alleged 
to have given the pope temporal power over Italy, in return for a miracu- 
lous cure from leprosy. 

8 On this phase of the revival, see especially Owen's Skeptics of the 
Italian Renaissance. 

Some of the 
the Church 
and revived 
paganism ; 

Valla, most 
learned of 
was far- 
reaching in 
his criticism. 


however, re- 
mained in 
outward con- 
formity, and 
some, like 
Nicholas V 
and Pius II, 
even became 
very promi- 
nent in the 



Bembo was 
probably the 
most devoted 

The ' liberal 
education ' of 
the ancients 
became the 
ideal of the 

money that came in from the papal jubilee of 1450 to 
make the collection from which the Vatican library 
sprang, 1 and was obviously more interested in classical 
works and scholarship than in theology and the Church. 
So Pius II, while still ^Enea Silvio, or ^Eneas Sylvius ; 
wrote a treatise on the humanistic training known as 
De Liberorum Educatione (' On the Education of Chil- 
dren '). He was also the author of many poems, novels, 
comedies, orations, and letters in the classical style, 
although, upon his election to the pontificate, he aban- 
doned the humanists and his former liberalism. 

The most extreme devotion to humanism in a church 
official, however, is exhibited in the case of the papal 
secretary, Pietro Bembo (1470-1547). He was accom- 
plished, amiable, and worldly, and while a collector of 
classical books and manuscripts and an author of many 
works, slavishly imitated Cicero in all his style and com- 
pletely reverted to paganism. He used Jupiter Maximus 
as the designation of God the Father, Apollo for Christ, 
and divi to indicate the saints, 2 and warned his colleague 
Sadoleto to "avoid the Epistles of Paul, lest the style of 
the Apostle should spoil his taste." Bembo was, how- 
ever, only typical of the degenerate humanism of the 
times. He was the literary ruler at the brilliant court 
of Leo X (1513-1521), who, though pope, was a true 
son of his father, Lorenzo the Magnificent, in his love 
of art, ancient literature, and paganism. Humanism 
had now hardened into a formalism, and the prevailing 
tendency had come to be that known as ' Ciceronianism.' 

Ideals of the Humanistic Education. But during its 
height Italian humanism evidently tended to encourage 
personal development and individual expression rather 
than authority. From our study of the vanbils Italian 
humanists and their work, it has been possible to see 
how different were the ideals from those of the medi-. 

1 See Vespasiano, Vita di Niccolo V, cc. XXV, seqq. 

2 It is probably Bembo at whom Erasmus is tilting in his Dialogus 
Ciceronianus, when he satirizes the paganized description of Christian 
conceptions. See Miss Scott's translation, pp. 66-71. 

aeval period. Life was no longer viewed in prescribed 
and formal fashion, and education had a far wider out- 
look than merely on its ecclesiastical and theological 
sides^ The ' otherworldly ' ideal had given way to the 
Graeco-Roman aim of securing as much satisfaction as 
possible out of this life. The isolation of the monlj, 
the contemplation of th"? mystic, and the discussions of 
the schoolmen were being abandoned, and there was a 
marked tendency to return to the conception of a 'liberal 
education ' portrayed by Plato, Aristotle, Cicero, and 
others of the ancients. 

The various educational treatises of the times by such 
men as Vergerius, Bruni, Barbaro, ^Eneas Sylvius, Bat- 
tista Guarino, Vegio, and Porcia, and the pedagogical 
procedure of the great schoolmasters, Guarino da* 
Verona and Vittorino da Feltre, alike sTibw a remark- 
able agreement in respect^to this aim of education/ 
They all hold" to the ideal of. a well-rounded, man x fitted 
for the society in which he is living and adapted to its 
institutions. Thy__advocate complete development of 
the individual, mentally, pnysicaftv. and morally. Ver- 
gerius, tor example, recommends " that education which 
calls forth, trains, and develops those highest gifts of 
body and of mind which ennoble men, and which are 
rightly judged to rank next in dignity to virtue only." l 
This was certainly the^ practice of yiftorino anH thp. 
Mantuan school. 

At the same time, the practical side of this individual 
development was duly emphasized. The humanists felt 
that culture and breadth of view were not ends in them- 
selves, but were to be developed for the sake of citizen- 
ship or efficiency in statecraft. Thus ^Eneas Sylvius 
quotes Cicero as reproaching Sextus Pompey for too 
great devotion to abstract studies, and declares : 

" His reason was that the true praise of men lies in doing, and 
that, consequently, all ingenious trifling, however harmless in itself, 
whichi withdraws our energies from fruitful activity, is unworthy of 
the true citizen." 2 

1 De Ingenuis Moribus, 3. 

8 De Liberorum Educatione, 8. 

The human- 
istic theory 
and practice 
held to the 
of the indi- 
and morally, 

which in- 
cluded social 



and even 
personal dis- 

This was 
thought to 
be obtained 
through a 
broad study 
of the clas- 

Again, Vittorino alludes to this sentiment of Cicero 
in consoling his friend, Ambrogio, for his want of leisure 
for study, resulting from administrative duties. A simi- 
lar view is attributed by Verger ius to Aristotle. 1 

This practical view, however, while it included a de- 
sire for personal distinction and the modern notion of 
individual reputation and glory, did not limit itself to 
mere material success, and nothing is more decried than 
sordidness and pleasure-seeking. " For to a vulgar 
temper," says Vergerius, "gain and pleasure are the 
one aim of existence, to a lofty nature, moral worth and 
fame." 2 

The Content of the Humanistic Education. This lofti- 
ness of purpose, breadth .of view, and efficiency, the 
humanists believed, is to be obtained primarily through 
the ancient literatures. "The foundations of all true 
learning must be laid in the sound and thorough knowl- 
edge of Latin," writes Bruni. 3 To this he would proba- 
bly have added, with Battista Guarino : " I wish now to 
indicate a second mark of an educated man, which is at 
least of equal importance ; namely, familiarity with the 
language and literature of Greece. . . . Without a 
knowledge of Greek, Latin scholarship itself is, in any 
real sense, impossible." 4 

But while the value in these classic languages did not 
consist merely of a drill in grammar, this subject was 
regarded as very essential, simply because it was a key 
to unlock the literature. "To attain this essential 
knowledge," Bruni claims, " we must never relax our 
careful attention to the grammar of the language," 8 
while yEneas Sylvius calls grammar "the portal to all 
knowledge whatsoever." 6 In every case, however, a 
wide range of reading in the literature was recom- 
mended. Cicero, Vergil, Livy, Sallust, Curtius, Horace, 
Quintilian, Statius, Ovid, Terence, and Juvenal on the 
one hand, and, on the other, Homer, Hesiod, Theocritus, 

1 Op. it. t 4. De Studiis, I. 6 Op. cit. t 5. 

2 Op. cit. t 3. * De Ordine Docendi, 3. 


Plato, Aristotle, and the dramatists and historians, seem 
to have been generally used in the humanistic course. 
" That high standard of education to which I referred at 
the outset," says Bruni, "is only to be reached by one 
who has seen many things and read much. Poet, orator, 
historian, and the rest, all must be studied, each must 
contribute a share. Our learning thus becomes full, 
ready, varied, and elegant, available for action or dis- 
course in all subjects." 1 

This material was held to be valuable also for moral 
and religious training, as well as intellectual and aes- 
thetic, and Bruni adds : " None have more claim than 
the subjects and authors which treat of religion and of 
our duties in the world ; and it is because they assist and 
illustrate these supreme studies that I press upon your 
attention the works of the most approved poets, histo- 
rians, and orators of the past." The works of the the Christian 
Christian Fathers, both Latin and Greek, the Bible, f e ^ i th i e r ^ and 
creed, Lord's Prayer, and Hymn to the Virgin were works, 
likewise to be read for this purpose, together with the 
works of the pagan writers. 

Thus the mediaeval rhetoric and dialectic gave way 
to an absorption in the classic writers and a study of the 
languages and literatures of ancient Greece and Rome. 
But besides the classical and Christian literature, there and of 
seems to have been some room in this broad course for ^nc^and 8 ' 
mathematics, natural philosophy, and astronomy, and, music;' 
to some extent, for music, singing, and dancing. Ora- 
tory, history, and ethics were taught from the works of 
the classic authors themselves. 

The physical side was nurtured by various exercises, and through 
which were partly an inheritance from the court training cafexerases" 
of chivalry and partly a revival of the aesthetic ideals inherited 
of the Greeks. " It will thus," declares ^neas Sylvius an 
to the young prince, " be an essential part of your edu- Greeks. 
cation that you be taught the use of the bow, of the 
sling, and of the spear; that you drive, ride, leap, and 
swim. These are honorable accomplishments in every 

1 Op. tit., last section. 



This course 
was adapted 
to the ability 
and interest 
of each pupil, 
and the dis- 
cipline was 

This educa- 
tion was 
largely insti- 
at first in 
the court 
schools, but 

one, and therefore not unworthy of the educator's 
care." J 

Method of the Humanistic Teachers. Thus the cur- 
riculum of the humanistic education contained a wide 
range of elements, intellectual, aesthetic, moral, and 
physical. But it was not expected that every one should 
study thoroughly all subjects, and, as we have seen in 
the practice of Vittorino, 2 the course was largely adapted 
to the ability and interest of each pupil. Of the various 
' disciplines ' Vergerius declares : 

"It must not be supposed that a liberal education requires ac- 
quaintance with them all, for a thorough mastery of even one of 
them might fairly be the achievement of a lifetime. Most of us, too, 
must learn to be content with modest capacity as with modest for- 
tune. Perhaps we do wisely to pursue that study which we find 
most suited to our intelligence and our tastes, though it is true that 
we cannot rightly understand one subject unless we can perceive its 
relation to the rest. The choice of studies will depend to some 
extent upon the character of individual minds. For whilst one boy 
seizes rapidly the point of which he is in search and states it ably, 
another, working far more slowly, has yet the sounder judgment and 
so detects the weak spot in his rival's conclusions. The former, 
perhaps, will succeed in poetry, or in the abstract sciences ; the latter 
in real studies and practical pursuits." 8 

It has already been shown, in the case of Vittorino, 
how this study of the disposition of each pupil and close 
personal contact stimulated the interest and obviated in 
the humanistic training 4 the need of brutal discipline. 
While emulation was occasionally appealed to, corporal 
punishment was practically unknown. 

Organization of * v ' a TTllTflflnilirl" '"Mhrfitioii These 
educational aims, studies, and methods of humanism 
were carried out informally in the guidance of the home 
before the boy went to school. From earliest infancy, 
mothers 6 undertook to train the character, manners, 

1 Op. '/., 2. 8 De Ingenuis Moribus, 4. 

2 See pp. 123-127. 4 See pp. 126 f. 

5 During the Italian Renaissance girls, as well as boys, were often care- 
fully educated, and we have several instances of noted women humanists. 
To one of these, the daughter of the Duke of Urbino, Bruni dedicated his 
treatise On the Study of Literature. 


speech, and physique of their children according to waseventu- 
the highest humanistic standards. But, as we have t^the^i- 
found in viewing the history of humanism, 1 these ideals verities, 
first took on a genuine institutional form in the schools 
founded at the courts of the city despots. These court 
schools were sometimes connected with the universities, 
and gradually the universities themselves, after some- 
thing of a struggle, admitted the new learning to their 
curriculum, where it speedily thrived and multiplied. 
Humanistic education in Italy thus became completely 

Decadence of the Italian Humanism and the Rise of At the close 
Ciceronianism. Toward the close of the fifteenth cen- eJnth fif " 
tury, however, this liberal education of the humanists century, 
in Italy began to be fixed and formal. Until the death bSS 
of Nicholas V, the ideals, content, and meaning of this and formal, 
training were constantly expanding, but through the ^hetfea 
latter half of the century there was a gradual narrow- social eie- 
ing and hardening, and during the early years of the p"aced e 
sixteenth century the degeneration became complete, a drill in 
This was the age of the purists. It began with the e rammar - 
formal and pretentious artificialities of Valla, 2 especially 
as crystallized in his book on Elegantice Latince (' Ele- 
gancies of Latin '), and reached its height under the 
dictatorship of Bembo and the Medicean pope, Leo X. 3 

As the subject matter became institutionalized, the 
literature of the Greeks and Romans failed more and 
more to be interpreted in terms of life. Instead of 
giving understanding and meaning to certain activities 
suitable for mankind, the study of the humanities be- 
came an end in itself. The aim of education came to 
be a mastery of ancient literature and of the preliminary 
training in grammar, and emphasis was placed upon the 
form rather than the content of the classical writings. 
The aesthetic, moral, social, and physical elements were 
gradually read out of education, and the humanistic 
training became simply a preparation for the formal 
life of the times. 

1 See pp. 123 and 127 f. 2 See p. 129. 8 See p. 130. 

1 3 6 


This deca- 
dent stage is 
known as 
1 Ciceronian- 
ism,' from 
the almost 
study of the 
forms, and 
figures of 

In the course of study, grammatical drill was more 
and more emphasized as a means of formal discipline. 
Etymological and syntactical scholarship received almost 
exclusive attention, and was supplemented only by a 
rhetorical and stylistic study of Latin authors, such as 
Plautus, Terence, Vergil, Ovid, and especially Cicero. 
In fact, before long the course was limited almost en- 
tirely to the last-named writer, and the new learning fell 
into that decadent state afterward called Ciceronianism . 
It consisted in an attempt to teach a perfect style with 
Cicero as a model, and to give one a conversational 
knowledge of Ciceronian Latin. The structure, meta- 
phors, and vocabulary of all Latin writing had to be 
copied from the phrases of Cicero, and the literature 
of the day became little more than a sequence of model 
passages from that author. The humanistic curriculum 
thus lapsed into a formalism almost as barren as that of 
the schoolmen, except that Cicero, rather than Aristotle, 
became the authority. 

To acquire the diction of this writer, the pupil was 
required to make a long and careful study of his works. 
In the satire of Erasmus on Ciceronianism, the devotee 
brags that he has read no other author for seven years. 
He declares that he " has compiled an alphabetical lexi- 
con of Cicero, so huge that two strong carriers well sad- 
dled could scarcely carry it upon their backs ; a second 
volume even larger than this, in which are arranged 
alphabetically the phrases peculiar to Cicero ; and a 
third, in which have been gathered all the metrical feet 
with which Cicero ever begins or ends his periods, and 
their subdivisions, the rhythms which he uses in between, 
and the cadences which he chooses for each kind of 
sentence, so that no little point could escape." The 
Ciceronian in his dialogue further holds that one whose 
style is pure will not use any grammatical form what- 
soever not in Cicero, saying : 

" There is no exception. A Ciceronian he will not be in whose 
books there is found a single little word which he cannot show in 
the writings of Cicero ; and a man's whole vocabulary I deem as spu- 



rious as a counterfeit coin, if there is in it even a single word which 
has not the stamp of the Ciceronian die ; for to Cicero alone, as the 
prince of eloquence, it has been given by the gods above to stamp 
the coin of Roman speech." 1 

This is, of course, an exaggeration of the Ciceronian 
tendency, but the pupil apparently was ordinarily ex- 
pected to commit lists of Ciceronian words, phrases, 
introductions, and perorations, and to indite letters, 
make conversations, and construct orations in the Cicer- 
onian style. All textbooks of the period seem to have 
been arranged with these objects in view. The boys 
were taught formal grammar upon the basis of Cicero, 
as if their minds worked like those of an adult. Fine 
grammatical distinctions of as subtle an order as the 
quibbles of the scholastic dialectic came to be made, and 
memory rather than reason became the basis of acquisi- 
tion. Such methods, sadly lacking in the power to stim- 
ulate interest, were inevitably accompanied by corporal 
punishment, which was inflicted quite as unsparingly to 
produce conformity to the stereotyped course as to in- 
sure proper conduct. Hence, by the early part of the 
sixteenth century, the humanistic education of Italy had 
become almost as ' cribbed, cabined, and confined,' and 
fully as formal, as that of the days of scholasticism. 
The interest in life and its opportunities, and the pursuit 
of self-culture in the broad sense, seem for the most 
part to have gone to seed. 

Italian humanism, however, had at its best been largely 
individual and personal, and had looked more to the joy 
in living than to social improvement and the advance- 
ment of morals. The desire for liberty of expression and 
an immortality in this world, and the enthusiasm for 
pagan culture that are patent in the life and writings of 
early humanists, like Petrarch and Boccaccio, are found 
to have degenerated eventually into license, immorality, 
paganism, and sacrilege, with a consequent neglect of 

1 The whole of the Dialogus Ciceronianus should be read. The excel- 
lent translation recently made (New York, 1908) by Izora Scott, from 
which the passages above have been taken, makes this an easy matter for 
English readers. 

The methods 
were lacking 
in interest, 
and were 
by corporal 


all things religious. Thus the humanistic movement in 
Italy became formal and crystallized, and subversive of 
all real progress. It had largely defeated its own ends, 
and the mission of humanism to refine the manners and 
morals, to purify religion, and advance society, was left 
for the achievement of other countries than the states of 



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VOIGT, G. Die Wiederlebung des Classischen Alterthums. 
WOODWARD, W. H. Vittorino da Feltre and Other Humanist 

WOODWARD, W. H. Education during the Renaissance. 


Through the 
invention of 
spread into 
France, the 
England, and 
elsewhere in 
the North, 


The Spread and Character of Humanism in the North- 
ern Countries. Until almost the end of the fifteenth 
century the Renaissance was largely confined to Italy. 
In the Northern countries sporadic humanists appeared 
here and there by the middle of the century, but the 
movement could not have been at all general. But the 
introduction of printing gave the humanists a new means 
of preserving the classical learning and of extending its 
sphere of influence. This art, invented in Germany 
about 1450, was brought into Italy some fifteen years 
later by pupils of Johann Fust, and spread through 
France, Switzerland, the Netherlands, Spain, England, 
and a dozen less important states before the close of the 
century. In 1472 an edition of Vergil was struck off in 
Florence, and after this the multiplication of all texts 
was rapid and continuous. 

As a result, the revival of learning and the renewed 
spirit of independence and criticism could not be limited 
to a single country. The Renaissance and the classic 
literature leaped the Alps, and made their way first into 
France, and then into the Teutonic countries, England, 
and elsewhere. At first, humanistic scholars wandered 
into the North, soon others were invited in large numbers 
by patrons of learning, and, at length, students from the 
Northern countries thronged into Italy for instruction. 
Toward the close of the fifteenth century the humanists 
outside the peninsula became very numerous, and the 
movement, during the sixteenth century, after it had 
lost its vitality in Italy, came to its height in the 
Northern lands, and did not sink into a formalism until 
the very end of the century. 



But the character and effects of the Renaissance and 
humanism in the North differed greatly from those in the 
country of their origin. The peoples of the North, 
especially those of Germanic stock, were naturally more 
religious than the brilliant and mercurial Italians. With 
them the Renaissance led less to a desire for personal 
development, self-realization, and individual achievement, 
and took on more of a social and moral color. With the 
great Italian educators, it was, indeed, felt that the 
humanistic training should lead to symmetrical develop- 
ment and social efficiency, but largely for the sake of 
the individual's happiness and fame. Whereas the 
prime purpose of humanism in the North became the 
improvement of society, morally and religiously, and 
much less attention was paid to the physical, intellec- 
tual, and aesthetic elements in education. The classical 
revival here pointed the way to obtaining a new and 
more exalted meaning from the Scriptures. Through 
the revival of Greek, Northern scholars, especially the 
Germans and the English, sought to get away from the 
ecclesiastical doctrines and traditions, and turn back to 
the essence of Christianity by studying the New Testa- 
ment in the original. This suggested a similar insight 
into the Old Testament, and an interest in Hebrew also 
was thereby aroused. In consequence, to most people 
in the North a renewed study of the Bible became as 
important a feature of humanism as an appreciation of 
the classics, and the purer religious and theological con- 
ceptions that eventually resulted mark the Reformation 
as a logical accompaniment of the Renaissance. Thus 
the Northern humanism was at the same time both 
broader and narrower than that of Italy. But this can 
best be understood by a more detailed account of the 
movement in the various countries of the North and a 
study of the more prominent figures in each case. 

The Development of Humanism in France. It was 
but natural that the first of the Northern states to take 
up the new scholarship should be France. During the 
days of scholasticism this country had been the great 

where it took 
on more of a 
social and 
moral color. 

sought an 
insight into 
the New 
Testament by 
studying it in 
the original 
Greek, and 
this sug- 
gested a 
study of 
Hebrew for 
the Old 

which had, 
during the 
period, been 
the intellec- 



(ual center of 
Europe, was 
naturally the 
first to take 
hold of the 
new learning, 
and was 
stimulated by 
the expedi- 
tions of 
Charles VIII 
and Louis 

The univer- 
sities were 
but under 
Francis I 
arose many 

intellectual center of Europe, and had yielded its posi- 
tion only as the humanistic enthusiasm swept over Italy. 
Before the middle of the fifteenth century it began to 
take hold of the new learning. By 1458 a professorship 
of Greek was established at the University of Paris and 
occupied by a certain Gregorio of Tiferno, and a dozen 
years later it was filled by a native Spartan named 
Hermonymus. The humanistic movement, however, 
was especially stimulated in France through the expedi- 
tion into Italy of Charles VIII in 1494 and that of Louis 
XII some four years later. The former monarch claimed 
to have inherited the kingdom of Naples among other 
possessions, and, in his efforts to secure it, temporarily 
occupied Florence and Rome. His successor also 
claimed Milan through his grandmother, who was a 
member of the Visconti family, and seized this city 
as well as Naples (1498-1500). While these under- 
takings of France had so immediate political results, 
for Charles was soon glad to escape from Italy, and the 
more able Louis sold his title to Naples and was driven 
out of Milan, yet a lasting impression was thereby 
made upon the art and literature of the North. The 
French had come into direct contact with humanism at 
its sources, Milan, Florence, Rome, and Naples, and 
their admiration was challenged by the evidences of 
classical culture, intellectual activity, modernness, and 
individualism that they met there. They were incited 
to recover their lost prestige, and, from the end of the 
fifteenth century, the French scholars and printers, in 
their struggles to further humanistic ideals, became the 
foremost in Europe. 

Budaeus and His Treatise. Owing to the narrowness 
and conservatism of the universities, which existed in 
spite of the chair of Greek at Paris, the new learning 
met at first with formidable opposition. Happily, it 
found an influential patron in the youthful Francis I 
(1515-1547), who succeeded Louis XII. Under his 
protection, many prominent humanistic scholars and 
educators appeared. Among these the most doughty 


champion of the ancient classics was found in Guillaume 
Bud/ or Bud&us (1468-1540). He read widely, trans- 
lated, and taught the Greek and Latin authors. He 
also produced a treatise on humanistic education, which 
he entitled De r Institution du Prince (' On the Instruc- 
tion of the Prince'), and dedicated it to the young king, 
Francis. 1 This work was intended to be propagandist 
and inspirational rather than instructive, and contains 
much that is trite, but it accomplished a great deal for 
classical training. "Every man," writes Budaeus, "even 
if a king, should be devoted to philology." By that he 
means all liberal learning or ' humanities,' which is so 
called because, without it, man would become a mere 
animal. This training, he holds, can be obtained only 
through Latin and Greek, especially the latter, about 
which he is most enthusiastic. Shortly after writing this 
treatise, Budaeus was appointed royal librarian. He 
then began earnestly to collect classical manuscripts, 
and assisted in the foundation of the famous humanistic 
press of the Estiennes. Later, he succeeded in getting 
the king to complete his plans for a great humanistic 
institution of learning, and the College of France, with 
its chairs of Greek, Hebrew, and Latin, was established. 
Thus by the time of his death, France was fairly com- 
mitted to humanistic training. 

Corderius as Schoolmaster and Author. Another en- 
thusiast on the classical learning was Mathurin Cordier 
(1479-1564), or Maturinus Corderius, as he is more 
commonly called. He had a successful teaching ex- 
perience and displayed a strong advocacy of the human- 
istic education at various colleges in Paris and Bordeaux. 
When well along in life, he listened to a call from his 
old pupil, Calvin, who was now administering the affairs 
of Geneva, and went to that city to organize and teach 
in the reformed schools of Switzerland. Among his 
early writings is a book on Latin inflections and syntax 
called De Corrupti Sermonis Emendatione Libellus (' A 

1 So Vergerius, Bruni, ./Eneas Sylvius, and B. Guarino had addressed 
their treatises to scions of royalty or the nobility. 

wrote a 
treatise and 

taught and 
the human- 
istic educa- 

in France 
and Switzer- 
land, and 
wrote De 



and Collo- 
quia upon 
the study of 

The College 
de Guyenne 
was reorgan- 
ized on a 
basis, and is 
typical of the 
schools in 
the French 
cities gener- 
ally during 
the sixteenth 

Little Book for the Amendment of Corrupt Speech'), 
which was intended to improve Latin style in the French 
schools. In Switzerland he wrote four books of Collo- 
quia (' Colloquies '), with the purpose of training boys, 
by means of conversations on timely topics, to speak 
Latin with facility. The De Emendatione taught Latin 
through the medium of French, making a simultaneous 
study of both languages, but from his Colloquies, which 
give an excellent picture of the school life of the times, 
and from accounts of the curricula in Switzerland, it is 
seen that he must have changed his plan of teaching 
after he came to Switzerland. Here, it would seem, 
Latin had scarcely been the traditional means of in- 
struction, and to raise the tone of scholarship, it was 
necessary to require Latin to be spoken at all times. 
The Coiloquia came in the latter part of the sixteenth 
century to have the widest circulation of any textbook, 
and was translated into English and other languages. 

The College de Guyenne and Other Schools. Gradually 
all the schools of France began to respond to the new 
training. It would hardly be possible or desirable to 
describe many of them, but the College de Guyenne at 
the seaport of Bordeaux, which was one of the first to 
feel the humanistic impulse, may well be considered in 
detail. The reorganization of this institution had been 
undertaken by the humanistic educator, Gouv6a, and the 
staff of the school always included several distinguished 
scholars, such as Corderius and Vinet. From the latter 
we have a description of the actual course and adminis- 
tration there in vogue. According to him, " this school 
was especially intended for learning Latin," but it also 
included other subjects in its course. It consisted of 
ten classes in secondary work, and two years more in 
philosophy, which partially overlapped the faculty of 
arts in the university. Latin and religion were taught 
throughout the grammar school, and Greek, mathe- 
matics, rhetoric, and declamation could be taken in the 
last three or four classes. The course in philosophy 
consisted largely of the Aristotelian works on logic and 


natural science. The methods employed in the school 
seem to have been admirable for the times. The pupils 
were introduced to the rudiments of Latin through the 
vernacular, and developmental methods and enlivening 
disputations were used. Naturally severe punishments 
seem not to have been needed. Probably the general 
conditions at this college of Bordeaux were typical of 
the humanistic schools everywhere in French cities 
during the sixteenth century. 

Classical Studies in the German Universities. By 
this time humanism had also spread through the Teu- 
tonic countries. Even the German universities had 
begun to respond to the humanistic influences. While 
the University of Paris was for a generation the center 
of the new learning, as early as the middle of the 
fifteenth century, wandering teachers of the classics 
began to visit the higher institutions in the German 
states and left their impress upon them. In 1494 
Erfurt established a professorship of Poetry and Elo- 
quence, which covered the field of classic literature, and 
within a short time the university had been completely 
reformed upon a humanistic basis. So Leipzig, in 1519, 
under the great Duke George, introduced more polished 
translations of Aristotle to replace those of the old 
schoolmen, and lectures were given on Cicero, Quin- 
tilian, Vergil, and Greek authors. Many other univer- 
sity centers, Heidelberg, Tubingen, Ingoldstadt, and 
Vienna were similarly transformed, and a number of 
new universities were humanistic from their foundation. 
Such were Wittenberg, which was started as early as 
1502, and Marburg, Konigsberg, and Jena, which were 
founded nearer the middle of the century. 1 And before 
the close of the first quarter of the sixteenth century, 
humanism had prevailed in practically all of the German 

The Hieronymian Schools. But probably the earliest 
and most influential factor in German humanism ap- 

1 Much of this remodeling and extension was due to the influence of 
Melanchthon. See pp. 156 f. 

The German 
chairs of 
classics, and 
new human- 
istic univer- 
sities were 

The Hiero. 





bounded in 
the four- 
teenth cen- 
tury for 
religious and 

classic litera- 
ture and 
Hebrew as 
the Italian 
began to be 

the Nether- 
lands, the 
States, and 
France, and 
centers of 

peared in the education furnished by the religious order 
known as the Brethren of the Common Lot or the Hiero- 
nymians. 1 Most of the first leaders in humanism were 
connected with this brotherhood either as members or 
pupils. The order was founded in 1376 by Geert Groot 
(1340-1384) at Deventer, Holland, and was composed of 
pious men devoted to industry, learning, and popular 
education. They maintained themselves by copying 
manuscripts, and gave instruction to the poor. In some 
places they founded schools and superintended all 
the classes ; in others they acted as assistants in schools 
already existing. Naturally they at first stressed in- 
struction in the Bible and the vernacular, and taught 
reading, writing, singing, and conversation in ecclesias- 
tical Latin. But as the Italian influence began to be 
felt in the upper countries, although the Hieronymians 
still held to their moral and religious motives, they 
broadened the course by the addition of humanistic 
elements. They retained their Christian training, but 
added the classic literature and Hebrew. While the 
education they offered was generally elementary and 
secondary, and consisted mostly of Latin and Greek, it 
included rhetoric and theology in the higher classes, and 
the Brethren often expanded the course so that in 
several instances it covered the work of the faculty of 
arts in a university. Before the opening of the Renais- 
sance in the North they had established a chain of 
forty-five houses, extending through the Netherlands, 
the German states, and France, and within a generation 
this number had trebled. The Brethren were in control 
of the famous institutions at Deventer, Zwolle, Liege, 
Louvain, Mechlin, Cambrai, and Valenciennes, and 
founded the College de Montaigu in connection with the 
University of Paris. Before the close of the sixteenth 
century, there were two thousand students in attendance 
at Deventer, and several hundred at ten or a dozen other 
of the Hieronymian institutions. The constant visits of 

1 The order was sometimes known from its patron saints, Jerome and 
Gregory, as the Hieronymian or Gregorian. 


members of the order to Italy and the frequent change 
of their teachers brought about an interchange of knowl- 
edge, which silently molded public opinion and exerted 
a tremendous influence for humanism and higher ideals. 
The Hieronymian schools, especially those at Deventer 
and Zwolle, became recognized centers of intellectual 
interests and humanism. They were visited by wander- 
ing scholars, and the pupils that were trained there 
strengthened the new learning as teachers in the uni- 
versities and schools throughout the Netherlands and 

Wessel, Agricola, Reuchlin, and Hegius. The first 
educator of importance to introduce humanism into these 
schools seems to have been Johann Wessel { 1420- 1489). 
He had received his first schooling at Zwolle, and after 
studying and teaching the classics and Hebrew in 
Cologne, Paris, Florence, and Rome, returned to his 
early school as an instructor. His interest was in teach- 
ing even more than in scholarship, and he held that " the 
scholar is known by his ability to teach." He had, in 
consequence, a marked influence upon humanistic edu- 
cation, and sent out a number of distinguished pupils. 
Among those influenced by him while at Paris were 
Rudolphus Agricola 1 (1443-1485) and Johann Reuchlin 
(1455-1522). Agricola studied later in Pavia, Ferrara, 
and elsewhere in Italy, and after absorbing all the best 
influences of the Renaissance, returned as a humanistic 
missionary to his own * barbarous, unlearned, and un- 
cultured ' people. At Heidelberg and Worms he lec- 
tured on the classics, and while he could never be induced 
to tie himself down to the routine of a single institution, 
he showed at all times a genuine interest in good schools. 
Toward the close of his life he wrote a humanistic 
treatise, De Formando Studio (' On the Regulation of 
Study '), and he was regarded by all the other human- 
ists as the most potent influence in introducing the study 

1 He is best known by this Latinized form of his name, but he 'was 
originally Roelof Huysman (' farmer '). This tendency for educators to 
translate their names became one of the formal marks of humanism. 

Wessel in- 
into the 
ian schools. 

lectured on 
the classics, 
and wrote a 



prepared a 
Latin lexi- 
con, editions 
of the Greek 
classics, and 
a Hebrew 
and lexicon. 



texts and 


and wrote a 



upon classi- 
cal authors 
and St. 
Jerome, and 
wrote Isido- 
neus Ger- 
manicus and 

of classics into the North. Erasmus in particular de- 
clares that he was inter Gracos Gracissimtis, inter 
Latinos Latinissimus. Reuchlin, the friend of Agricola, 
had a somewhat similar influence, but gave more atten- 
tion to Hebrew. After studying at Paris with Wessei 
and at other humanistic centers, he taught Latin, Greek, 
and Hebrew at the Universities of Heidelberg, Ingold- 
stadt, and Tubingen. He prepared a Latin lexicon, 
many editions of Greek classics, and a combined gram- 
mar and lexicon of the Hebrew language, to which he 
applied the words of Horace, exegi monumentum cere 
perennius (' I have raised a monument more lasting than 
bronze'). Alexander -//^'wj (1433-1498), for a whole 
generation the head of the school at Deventer, was also 
connected with Agricola. Although ten years older, 
he studied Greek under him, and modestly said : " I 
learnt from him all I know or men suppose me to know." 
Hegius introduced many reforms in texts and methods, 
and wrote a treatise, De Utilitate Lingua Grcecce (' On 
the Utility of the Greek Language '). During his time 
there graduated from Deventer a large number of 
leading humanistic scholars and teachers, including 
Erasmus, the most famous humanist of the North. 

The Work of Jakob Wimpfeling. But before endeav- 
oring to do justice to the work of that brilliant cosmo- 
politan scholar, Erasmus, we must first consider the 
influence of Jakob Wimpfeling^ (1450-1528), who was 
an earlier product of the Hieronymian education. He 
was educated in the school of Schlettstadt in Alsace, 
which was an offshoot of Deventer, and became the 
means of training several humanists of reputation. He 
obtained further education at the humanistic universities 
of Basel, Erfurt, and Heidelberg, and became a profes- 
sor, dean of the faculty of arts, and finally for two years 
rector, in the last named institution. He lectured upon 
the classical authors and St. Jerome, and wrote a num- 
ber of treatises upon education. Of these the most 

1 Also less properly written Wimpheling or Wympfeling. 


prominent are Isidoneus Germanicus (' An Introductory 
Book for Germans '), which was the first educational 
treatise in the Northern humanistic period, and deals 
with the proper curriculum and methods, as well as 
deeper educational principles and problems ; and Ado- 
lescentia (' Youth '), which advocates moral principles by 
means of selections from the Bible and the classics, and 
makes an attempt to analyze the mental processes of 
the child. He also embodied his theories in several text- 
books. Wimpfeling's humanism was of a broad but 
religious type. While he sought to stress the content 
rather than the form of the classics, and recommended 
a wide selection of Greek and Latin authors, he held to 
the social and moral aim in their study. " Of what use," 
he asks, " are all the books in the world, the most learned 
writings, the prof oundest researches, if they only minister 
to the vainglory of their authors, and do not, or cannot, 
advance the good of mankind ? . . . What profits all 
our learning, if our character be not correspondingly 
noble, all our industry without piety, all our knowing 
without love of our neighbor, all our wisdom without 
humility, all our studying, if we are not kind and chari- 
table?" However, while a true reformer, like Erasmus 
he never broke from the Church. He had a great influ- 
ence upon humanism and his pupils, and, because of his 
prominence, he was frequently called upon by educators 
and rulers for advice concerning their schools. Hence he 
has sometimes shared with the Protestant Melanchthon 
the title of Germani<zpr<zceptor( l the teacher of Germany'). 
Erasmus, the Leader in Humanistic Education. 
Desiderius Erasmus 1 (1467-1536), while still a pupil at 
Deventer, exhibited remarkable ability in the new learn- 
ing, and when he was only eight his greatness is said to 
have been prophesied by Agricola while on a visit to 
Hegius. After leaving Deventer, Erasmus furthered his 
knowledge of Latin and Greek at the College de Montaigu 

1 His name was originally Geert Geerts (' Gerard, the son of Gerard '), 
\ it he turned Geert, which means ' well-beloved,' into its Latin and Greek 
"'livalents, respectively. See note on p. 147. 

He recom- 
mended a 
wide selec- 
tion of 
authors, but 
held to the 
social and 
moral aim. 
While a true 
reformer, he 
never broke 
from the 

After study- 
ing classics 
at Deventer, 
and various 
occupied the 
chair of 


divinity at 
and lectured 
on Greek. 

He made 
great contri- 
butions to 
and social 
and believed 
in purifying 
by the re- 
moval of 
rather than 
by a division 
of the 

at Paris, where in 1499 he met a number of English stu- 
dents, and was by them induced to visit Oxford. Here 
he became acquainted with Colet and More, and studied 
under Grocyn and Linacre. Afterward he insisted that 
no one need go to Italy, if he could learn of Linacre, 
adding : " To me any one who is truly learned is an Ital- 
ian, even if born among savages." Yet Erasmus could 
not help sighing for the Mecca of all devoted humanists, 
and, after struggling with poverty in the North for seven 
years, he at length found it possible to visit the ancient 
libraries, meet the learned men, and pursue the study of 
Greek at Venice, Florence, Padua, Bologna, and Rome. 
In 1 5 10, he returned to England, and for four years occu- 
pied the chair of divinity at Cambridge. During this 
period he also lectured gratuitously upon Greek, and 
afforded Colet much help in establishing his school at 
St. Paul's. Three years later he undertook the project 
of a new humanistic college at Louvain, but in 1422, 
when the Reformation controversies began, he retired to 
Basel. In this home of humanism and the printing art, 
he found time to edit, translate, and produce works of 
his own until his death. 

Thus Erasmus traveled widely, met all the prominent 
scholars of his day, and made great contributions to 
humanism and social reform. While he was bitterly 
opposed to the corruption and obscurantism of ecclesi- 
astics, he believed, like Wimpfeling, that the remedy lay, 
not in a division of the Church, but in the study of classics 
and the Church Fathers and in the general removal of 
ignorance. Accordingly, he gave much time to improv- 
ing the facilities for humanistic education. He helped 
Colet and Lily with their Latin Grammar, 1 translated 
into Latin the Greek grammar of Theodore of Gaza, 
wrote a work on Latin composition, known as De Copia 
Verborum et Rerum, and an elementary textbook of Latin 
conversations on topics of the day, called Colloquia, trans- 
lated or edited a large number of the Greek and Latin 
classics, and, through his Adagia ('Adages'), made the 

1 See p. 170. 


sayings of the ancients familiar to all. Similarly, he pro- 
duced an edition of Valla's Adnotationes on the New 
Testament, edited the New Testament and translated it 
into Latin, and popularized the Gospels, and Jerome and 
other Christian Fathers through paraphrases. Better 
known, however, is the direct work which Erasmus per- 
formed in undertaking to reform the foibles and abuses 
of his times by means of satires. The Adagia, which 
was nominally a compilation of proverbs, maxims, and 
witty sayings, was really intended to expose ecclesiastical 
abuses, and the Colloquia, although in the form of a text- 
book, was a terrible arraignment of prevailing conditions 
in education, religion, and society, while his Encomium 
Morice(^ Praise of Folly ') mercilessly scored the absurdi- 
ties of monks and priests. In his Dialogus Ciceronianus 
(' Dialogue on Ciceronianism '^as has been pointed out, 
he turns to a different theme. Here he ridicules the 
narrower tendency of humanism by having its advocate 
explain his system of education and translate the Chris- 
tian creed into the heavy pagan cpnceptions of Cicero. 
Erasmus also made positive contributions to educa- 
tional theory, and, besides his references to the subject 
in the Colloquia and Ciceronianus, he wrote De Pueris 
Statim ac Liberaliter Instituendis ('On the Liberal 
Education of Children from the Beginning'), De Ratione 
Sttidii ('On the Right Method of Study'), De Civilitate 
Morum Puerilium ('On Courtesy of Manners in Boys '), 
and other treatises. His statement of the aim of educa- 
tion is best given in the De Civilitate, where he says : 

"The first and most important part is that the youthful nynd may 
absorb the seeds of piety ; next, that it may love and thoroughly 
learn the liberal arts ; third, that it may be prepared for the duties 
of life ; and fourth, that it may from the earliest years be straightway 
accustomed to the rudiments of good manners." 

These ideals, piety, learning, moral duty, and 
manners, which he repeatedly approaches elsewhere 
from different angles, are connected each with the other, 
and together stand for all that goes to make up social 

1 See pp. 136 f. 

To reform 
abuses, he 
wrote sat- 

Morice, and 

He also 
De Pueris, 
De Ratione, 
and De 

His educa- 
tional aim 
was a combi- 
nation of 
piety, learn- 
ing, morals, 
and man- 



The content 
and method 
of education 
in childhood 
with the 

and, after 
seven, with 
the father, 
with a 

tutor, or in a 
day school. 

efficiency. The religious is not looked upon as some- 
thing distinct from the rest of training, for in the 
plan of Erasmus, all that illumines the individual is held 
to elevate him and the social order of which he is a 
part. Accordingly, Erasmus appears everywhere to 
believe in universal education, education for the poor 
as well as the rich, for women as for men, and holds 
that the amount and kind of education should be based 
upon ability rather than upon wealth, birth, or sex. In 
the De Prieris he shows that education should start in 
infancy, and that children should be trained by their 
mothers in health, habits, and control until they are 
six or seven years of age. The elements of reading, 
writing, and drawing, and some knowledge of familiar 
objects and animals, should also be given them at this 
time by methods as informal as possible. He advises 
the use of stories, pictures, games, and object teaching 
rather than mere memory, and, with a belief in such 
appeals to interest, he naturally feels that " teaching by 
beating is not a liberal education, and the schoolmaster 
should not indulge in too strong and too frequent lan- 
guage of blame." 

At seven the boy's education is to be taken over by 
his father, or, in case that is impossible, by a tutor or a 
day school. Now he is to be given a thorough human- 
istic training in the Scriptures, the Christian Fathers, 
and the classics. The Greek and Latin authors that 
should be read and the methods of teaching the classics 
are detailed in the De Ratione. These subjects, Erasmus 
believes, present all that is needed as a standard of liv- 
ing or for a reformation of society, but he maintains that 
a sufficient range must be had to get fully into theij 
spirit. Grammar, too, is to be studied only as a neces- 
sary gate to literature and the content of the classical 
writers. At the outset of the De Ratione, Erasmus says: 

" But I must make my conviction clear that, whilst a knowledge 
of the rules of accidence and syntax is most necessary to every stu- 
dent, still they should be as few, as simple, and as carefully framed 
as possible. I have no patience with the stupidity of the average 


teacher of grammar, who wastes precious years in hammering rules 
into children's heads. For it is not by learning rules that we acquire 
the power of speaking a language, but by daily intercourse with those 
accustomed to express themselves with exactness and refinement, and 
by the copious reading of the best authors. Upon this latter point 
we do well to choose such works as are not only sound models of style, 
but are instructive by reason of their subject matter. . . . Some 
proficiency of expression being thus attained, the student devotes his 
attention to the content of ancient literatures. It is true, of course, 
that in reading an author for purposes of vocabulary and style the 
student cannot fail to gather something beside. But I have in mind 
much more than this when I speak of studying 'content.' For I 
affirm that with slight qualification the whole of attainable knowledge 
lies inclosed within the literary monuments of ancient Greece. This 
great inheritance I will compare to a limpid spring of whose 
undefiled waters it behooves all who truly thirst to drink and be 

Therefore, he holds that mythology, geography, agri- 
culture, architecture, military tactics, natural history, 
astronomy, history, music, and other subjects, must be 
studied for the sake of the light they throw upon clas- 
sical writers. Informal methods are also to be continued 
during this stage. A vocabulary is first to be acquired 
through objects and conversation, and even when formal 
grammar is taken up, he holds that it should never be an 
end in itself. 

Hence the humanism of Erasmus is of the broader The human- 
sort. It involves a grasp of ideas and content, and is J^fs^he 
not confined to a mere study of language and form, and broad type, 
the methods of acquisition appeal to interest. But while 
both his ideals and his practical suggestions in education 
seem remarkable for the day, they must have been 
largely typical of the Hieronymian schools and of 
Northern humanism in general. It simply represents 
the culmination of the union between the biblical train- 
ing of the Brethren and the new education in the classics. 

The Furstenschulen and the Gymnasien. It can thus 
be seen what a profound effect the Hieronymian schools 
had upon education, and how greatly those who had 
studied in them influenced the universities and other 
educational institutions. But there were other schools 




' Gymnasien ' 
grew out of 
the cathedral 
and upper 
schools, and 
were under 
the control of 
the cities. 

that were even more directly the outgrowth of humanism 
in the North than the Hieronymian. The cathedral, 
burgher, and other city schools offered accommodations 
scarcely sufficient for their own locality, and, as they 
had to furnish both elementary and secondary education 
at the same time, their course was necessarily limited. 
Therefore, to meet the demand for well-prepared officials 
in church and state, Duke Moritz of Saxony in 1543 
opened a public boarding-school in two of his cities, 
where the more brilliant sons of native citizens might be 
fitted at public expense for the university and ecclesi- 
astical and civil leadership. Moritz afterward added to 
the number of these schools, and his example was fol- 
lowed by the heads of other Protestant states of Ger- 
many, although these state schools were never very 
numerous. They became, because of their origin, gen- 
erally known as Furstensckulen (' princes' schools '), but, 
since their endowment came largely from the monas- 
teries, which had been secularized in the Protestant 
states, they were often popularly referred to as Kloster- 
schulen (' cloistral schools '^ While their foundation 
came about in a different way, they greatly resembled 
the ' court schools ' 2 of Italy in general aim and course 
of study. Since their chief purpose was to produce 
leaders, temporal and spiritual, a comprehensive pro- 
gram of humanistic studies almost equivalent to that of 
the universities, was furnished. 

A more typical and lasting institutional development 
of the Renaissance in the North, however, was the set of 
schools known as Gymnasien. They grew largely out 
of the old cathedral and upper burgher schools, and 
from the beginning differed from both the Furstensckulen 
and the Hieronymian schools in being under the control 
of the cities and in not being boarding-schools. This 
tendency to establish humanistic schools for the benefit 
of the municipality, rather than for state and church, 

1 They were also called Landesschulen. See Russell's German Higher 
Schools, pp. 38, 98, 140, 144, and 196-198. 

2 See pp. 123 and 127 f. 


grew rapidly in the German states, and the Fiirsten- 
sckulen were afterward merged in the system, although 
their course was somewhat beyond that of the former 
Latin schools of the cities. Some of the oldest and 
most important of these institutions for the nobility, 
Meissen (1543), Pforta(i543), Grimma(i55o), and Ross- 
leben (1554), while remaining boarding-schools, are 
classed among the leading gymnasia to-day. The Hie- 
ronymian schools also in most cases became Gymnasien, 
but some of them came under the control of the 

The organization and curriculum of these municipal The 
humanistic schools were slowly developed during the curriculum 
first half of the sixteenth century. They substituted 
the Latin, and later also the Greek, classical literature 
for the grammar, rhetoric, and mediaeval Latin of the 
old courses, and eventually replaced the dialectic with 
mathematics. As peculiar to the Germanic humanism, 
the Greek of the New Testament and Hebrew were 
often added. The burgher school at Nuremberg in 
1495 was the first to add 'poetry,' or classical literature, 
to its course, and the other higher schools of the various 
cities soon took up the subject. But the most definite 
shaping of the gymnasial idea was effected through the 
organization of the Latin school at Eisleben in 1525, 
and of the system in Saxony three years later, after the 
plan of Melanchthon, and through the foundation of the 
Strasburg gymnasium in 1538 by Sturm. The public 
influence of these two men was so wide that a separate 
treatment of their work is required. 

Melanchthon and His Organization of Schools. The early 
Through Reuchlin, his scholarly great-uncle, Philip Me- ^tionof ed 
lanchthon 1 (1497-1560) had, by the time he was seven- Meianch- 
teen, obtained a thorough training not only in Greek, thon< 
Latin, Hebrew, and biblical exegesis, but in logic, 
mathematics, history, law, and medicine. He had 

1 He was known as Schwartzerd (' black earth ') until, in recognition 
of humanistic attainments most remarkable for * boy, Reuchlin translated 
his surname into Greek. 


His lectures 
at Witten- 
berg upon 
theology and 
the classics, 
and his work 
in furthering 

His large 

been very influential in reviving humanism at the Uni. 
versities of Heidelberg and Tubingen, while a student 
there, and was already considered one of the most 
learned scholars of the day. In 1518, when the Elector 
of Saxony asked Reuchlin to recommend a young scholar 
to teach Greek at the University of Wittenberg, the 
great humanist wrote in reply : 

" Melanchthon will come, and he will be an honor to the uni- 
versity. For I know no one among the Germans who excels him, 
save Erasmus of Rotterdam, and he is more properly a Hollander." 

As soon as he had delivered his inaugural address, 
Melanchthon became one of the most popular lecturers 
the institution had known, and Luther, who was now 
well established there, declared that "all students of 
theology are clamoring to learn Greek." 

Through his association with Luther, Melanchthon 
was soon turned toward theology, and lectured on New 
Testament, Old Testament, and dogmatics as well as the 
Greek and Latin classics. But while he is generally 
known to history for theological works and his part in 
the Reformation, his influence upon the education of the 
times was probably even greater. Except that it was 
limited to Germany, his work in furthering humanistic 
education was similar to that of Erasmus. Not only did 
Melanchthon renew and extend humanism at Wittenberg, 
as he had previously done at the other universities with 
which he had been connected, but through him several 
new universities were founded on a humanistic basis. 
He also wrote Greek and Latin grammars, and produced 
editions of various classics, and clear and well-arranged 
school books upon rhetoric, dialectic, ethics, history, 
physics, and other subjects. The esteem in which he 
was held at the university and his great interest in his 
students gave him a peculiar power equalled by very few 
teachers. Hence his influence was largely extended 
throughout Germany by means of his pupils, among 
whom were many of the most renowned schoolmasters l 

1 Such, for example, were Camerarius, Trotzendorf, and Neander. It 
has even been said that every great rector, except Sturm, had been a pupil 


of the following generation. Likewise, the advice of 
Melanchthon was sought personally or through corre- 
spondence by princes, magistrates, and educators, and 
his genius for organization, methods, and texts was felt 
everywhere in his native land. Small wonder, then, that 
by the time of his death there was scarcely a city in all 
the German states which had not been touched by his 
influence, or that he has ever since been by common 
consent referred to as Germanics prceceptor. 

The influence of Melanchthon upon the Gymnasien 
came through his educational recommendations to the 
Elector of Saxony in 1528. He had three years previ- 
ously, at the request of the Count of Mansfeld, organ- 
ized a school at Eisleben, and in 1526 had assisted in 
the foundation of an Obereschule ('higher school') at 
Nuremberg. His success as an organizer led in 1527 
to his appointment as Schtdvisitant for Saxony, and 
the next year his Schulplan, contained in the Visita- 
tionsbuch, was enacted into law. The Latin schools, 
which were thereby established in every town and vil- 
lage of the electorate, were to be divided into three 
classes, as had been the school organized by Melanch- 
thon at Eisleben, but his former plan was somewhat 
simplified as the result of experience. " The first class," 
he advised, " should consist of those children who are 
learning to read ; the second class of those who have 
learned to read, and are now ready to go into grammar ; 
while when these children have been well trained in 
grammar, those among them who have made the great- 
est proficiency should be taken out and formed into the 
third class." In the elementary class the children first 
learned to read and write from a Latin primer prepared 
by Melanchthon, which contained the alphabet, the 
Lutheran creed, the Lord's prayer, and other prayers. 
They then read from the Grammar of Donatus and the 
Precepts of Cato, memorized Latin words, and were 
taught music. In the next grade they were trained in 

of Melanchthon's, while Sturm was among those who went to him for 

His appoint- 
ment as 
' Schul- 
visitant ' 
for Saxony 
and his 

1 5 8 


etymology, syntax, and prosody, and read first from such 
easy works as the Fables of JEsop, the Padology of 
Mosellanus, and the Colloquies of Erasmus, and later 
from the comedies of Plautus and Terence. More 
specific attention was also given to the Scriptures, the 
Lord's prayer, the creed, the Commandments, the Psalms, 
the Proverbs, the Gospels, and the Epistles. The youths 
who were selected for the highest class read Vergil, 
Ovid, and Cicero, and were given a more thorough train- 
ing in grammar, especially prosody, and in logic and 
rhetoric. The pupils of the two upper grades were 
also practiced constantly in Latin composition, and were 
required to converse in Latin almost exclusively. 

These institutions of Saxony were thus intended 
chiefly to fit boys for the university, and were rather 
narrow in ideals and course. They were literally ' Latin' 
schools, for no Greek or Hebrew appears anywhere in 
the course; much less the vernacular, mathematics, 
science, or history. Nevertheless, it was from these 
municipal secondary schools, when the course had been 
somewhat modified and expanded, that the Gymnasien 
sprang. A generation later the general plan in a modi- 
fied form was copied by the duchy of Wtirtemberg, and 
other states followed the example until the ' gymnasium ' 
became the chief type of school in the German system. 

Sturm's Gymnasium at Strasburg. But an educator 
who gave a greater impulse to the foundation of Gym- 
nasien, and, as a practical schoolmaster, had more influ- 
ence upon their course, was Johann Sturm (1507-1589). 
This man was the organizer, and for forty-five years the 
rector, of the famous classical school or gymnasium at 
Strasburg. He had received a humanistic training at 
the Hieronymian school at Liege and at the Universities 
of Louvain and Paris. By the time of his call to Stras- 
burg, at thirty-one years of age, he had a large reputa- 
tion as a classical scholar and a private teacher of Greek 
and Latin. 

Sturm had a definite set of ideals for his school, which 
he states as follows : 


"A wise and persuasive piety should be the aim of our studies, school, 

But were all pious, then the student should be distinguished from piety, knowL 

him who is unlettered by scientific culture and the art of speaking. ed e > and 

Hence, knowledge and purity and eloquence of diction should be- e 0( l uence ' 
come the aim of scholarship, and toward its attainment both teachers 
and pupils should sedulously bend every effort." 

In other words, as Sturm puts it more tersely else- 
where, " the end to be accomplished by teaching is 
threefold, and includes piety, knowledge, and eloquence." 
' Piety ' he believed to be cultivated mainly through the 
catechism and creed, while ' knowledge ' with him 
consisted chiefly in an acquaintance with the Latin and 
some of the Greek literature, and ' eloquence ' meant 
the ability to speak and write Latin readily and ele- 
gantly, so that it might be used as a medium of inter- 
course in the outside world. Hence his ideals, which 
seem to have been practically those of his contem- 
poraries, except that they were more clearly expressed, 
were more restricted than those of Erasmus, or possibly 
even of Melanchthon. 

To attain these educational ends, Sturm worked out 
a gymnasial organization of ten classes, 1 upon which 
the pupils entered at six or seven years of age. This 
was to be followed by a university course for five years 
more. The content of the course in the gymnasium, 
which alone concerns us here, is well known from the 
sketch given in his Best Method of Opening an Institu- 
tion of Learning, published at the founding of the 
school, from the Classic Letters of instruction written to 
the teachers of the various classes in 1565, and from the 
records of a general examination of the school, which 
took place still thirteen years later. As these three 
documents agree in all essentials, it would seem that 
there was little change in the curriculum during the 
management of Sturm. 2 For 'piety,' the Lutheran 

1 In his original plan he had only nine classes, but, from the Classic 
Letters and the examination records, it would seem that this number was 
increased to ten. 

2 The course is given in full by classes in Barnard's German Teachers 
and Educators, pp. 196-208. 

Its organiza- 
tion into ten 
classes, to be 
followed by 
a university 
course of five 

The curricu- 
lum in the 
ten classes. 


-. catechism was studied in German for three years, and 
in Latin for three years longer. The Sunday Sermons 
were read in the fourth and fifth years, and the Letters 
of Jerome also in the fifth year, while the Epistles of 
Paul were carefully studied from the sixth year through 
the rest of the course. On the ' knowledge ' and ' elo- 
quence ' side, Latin grammar was begun immediately 
and the drill continued for four years, during which the 
pupil passed gradually from memorizing lists of words 
used in everyday life and reading dialogues that em- 
bodied them to the translation of Cicero and the easier 
Latin poets. In the fourth year exercises in style were 
begun, and this was accompanied by a grammatical and 
literary study of Cicero, Vergil, Plautus, Terence, Mar- 
tial, Horace, Sallust, and other authors, together with 
letter writing, declamation, disputation, and the acting 
of plays. Greek was begun in the fifth year, and 
after three years of grammatical training, Demosthenes, 
the dramatists, Homer, and Thucydides were under- 

While other authors than Cicero were read, the object 
of this training clearly was to acquire an ability to read, 
write, and speak Ciceronian Latin. Words, phrases, and 
expressions from Cicero's works were carefully committed 
to memory, and the main emphasis throughout was 
upon form, with little regard for content. The Latin 
and Greek were largely regarded as an end in them- 
selves. The last three grades made a little study of 
rhetoric, and the highest included a little logic, astron- 
omy, and geometry, but otherwise there were no studies 
besides the classics and religion. The mother tongue 
was neglected, no mention was made of geography, his- 
tory, or natural sciences, and but little of mathematics, 
and there was no connection indicated between the 
school and the world outside. Under these circum- 
stances, it would be surprising if the chief educational 
methods were not those of imitation and memory. 
Sturm shows Obviously, toward the close of the sixteenth century, 
humanism had come to be about as formal and narrow 


in Germany as in Italy. Sturm would have made as good 
a subject for the satire of Erasmus as Bembo or any 
other of the Italian Ciceronians. Yet his gymnasium 
was an enormous success, and profoundly influenced 
not only the education of his own times, but of the 
next three centuries. Students flocked into Strasburg 
by thousands, among them many youthful noblemen 
and princes, and Sturm seems to have trained most 
of the leading educators of the next generation. His 
pupils became the headmasters of all the most promi- 
nent schools and organized many new institutions of 
repute beside. 1 Moreover, through his wide correspond- 
ence and personal advice to sovereigns and others, and 
through his textbooks, the course of study formulated by 
Sturm became a model not only for Germany, but, in a 
sense, for the rest of Europe. Even more than Melanch- 
thon's recommendations, Sturm's practice affected the 
code introduced into Wiirtemberg by Duke Christopher 
in 1559, and the reorganization in Saxony by Elector 
Augustus I in 1580. Since his day, mathematics, mod- 
ern languages, and the natural sciences have somewhat 
mitigated the amount of classics prescribed, and in many 
instances Hebrew has also been added, but otherwise the 
humanistic Gymnasien are essentially the same as in the 
day of their originator, Johann Sturm. 

The Early Humanistic Movement in England. In its 
northward march, humanism came also into England, 
and in this country effected profound changes. Here 
learning had sunk into scholasticism and inactivity, but a 
revival was started early in the fifteenth century through 
the efforts of Humphrey t Dtike of Gloucester. This noble 
patron of learning gathered about himself practically all 
the native scholars of the period, and brought from Italy 
several of the younger humanists, who translated the 
classics and introduced the spirit of the Renaissance. 
He also afforded financial assistance to the work of the 
older Italian humanists, who could not be induced to 

1 Sturm himself founded schools at Lauingen, Trasbaqh, and Hornbach; 
his pupil Schenck at Augsburg; and his pupil Crusius at Meminger. 

ism in 



toward the 

close of the 



The influ- 
ence of 

The efforts 
of Hum- 
phrey, Duke 
of Glouces- 



Greek was 
into educa- 
tion in Eng- 
land through 
the visit of 

come to England, gave a large number of Greek and 
Latin books and manuscripts to Oxford, where he had 
studied, and in every way encouraged reforms in the 
education of the times. ^Eneas Sylvius, 1 in writing to 
the Bishop of Chichester in 1444 concerning the human- 
istic awakening in England, declares : 

" For this advance all gratitude is due to the illustrious Duke of 
Gloucester, who zealously received polite learning into your king- 
dom. I hear that he cultivates poets and venerates orators ; hence 
many Englishmen now turn out really eloquent. For as are the 
princes, so are the people; servants progress through imitating their 

Greek at Oxford. As the result of the impetus thus 
afforded, by the middle of the fifteenth century many 
former students of Oxford began to visit the various 
centers in Italy and obtain the inspiration of humanism 
at first hand. Through them the number of manu- 
scripts, translations, and classical scholars in England 
was greatly increased, but for a generation the influ- 
ence of these innovators was not seriously felt upon 
education. Toward the end of the century, however, 
there migrated to Italy a new group of Oxford men, who 
succeeded in their united effort to advance humanistic 
training in England. This movement began in earnest 
with the labors of the three friends, Grocyn, Linacre, 
and Latimer, who had gone to Florence about 1488, and 
undertook to introduce Greek into education upon their 
return home. 

William Grocyn (1442-1519), after the visit to Italy, 
became the first lecturer on Greek at Oxford, 2 where he 
found the excellent library donated by Duke Humphrey of 
great service. He also lectured upon the Pseudo-Dio- 
nysius and began his work in Bible criticism, but left few 
works, as, like most humanists of his period, he disliked 
publicity. Thomas Linacre (1460-1524), while in Italy, 
became interested in Aristotle, and was led to the study 

1 See p. 130. 

2 Erasmus declares that Grocyn had taught Greek before going to 
Italy, but if so, it could not have been with any degree of influence. 


of natural science and medicine at Padua, where he was 
also a professor for a time. But he had become well 
versed in classics, rhetoric, and dialectic, as well as in 
his chosen specialty, and while lecturing on medicine at 
Oxford, he also taught Greek and Latin, and assisted 
Grocyn in training Erasmus, More, and Colet. So ver- 
satile a scholar was he that it was doubted whether he 
were "a better Latinist or Grecian, a better grammarian 
or physician," and Erasmus wrote Latimer that with 
Linacre as his teacher he had found no need of going 
to Italy. 1 His correspondence with humanists in all 
lands was very extensive, and he had everywhere a 
great influence. William Latimer (1460-1545), the 
last of the Oxford trio, attained less distinction as a 
scholar, largely because of his extreme modesty. He 
was, however, a deep student of Greek, and, according 
to Erasmus, a man of eminent learning. When once 
the work of these Oxonians was well under way, English 
scholars in increasing numbers were stimulated to seek 
a training at the Italian centers, and returned to spread 
the gospel of humanism. 2 

Greek at Cambridge. Humanism did not reach Cam- 
bridge, however, until the close of the fifteenth century, 
but with the progress of the sixteenth that university 
rapidly overtook its sister institution. The development 
of humanistic education appeared at Cambridge first 
through Bishop Fisher, who became Chancellor of the 
University in 1504. Through him the Countess of 
Richmond, mother of Henry VII, was induced to found 
and endow three humanistic colleges for the university. 
He also encouraged Erasmus, while a professor of 
divinity at Cambridge, 1510-1514,10 lecture upon Greek 
as a labor of love. Among the pupils of Erasmus was 
Richard Croke, who afterward lectured upon Greek in 
Cologne, Louvain, Leipzig, and other places, and in 1519 

1 See p. 150. Erasmus also includes Tunstall in this declaration. 

2 This movement was greatly assisted by the quieter conditions that 
began to settle upon England under the strong hand of the Tudors. 
Peace and the liberal arts flourished together. 

and Latimer 

Fisher, Eras- 
mus was in- 
duced to 
lecture on 
Greek at 
and he was 
succeeded by 
Cheke, and 

i$J3 -Sir 

royal *) 
Cml, aaiSirjUb* ddbr ( 

f -:;-.;, : 

i of 


Rtger ***** < 1 5I5-S)- 


r. Of thBwe 

.-/.,' J-. -.: /- 






ft fooad aft flhe nifsd cnort. Here Ac tannnsistk 

n Snr 

HCBJ Vm. Tflia 

: : 

f ) vil ^ .1."! 




letter, censuring the conservatives and declaring that, if 
they did not desist, the institution would lose the good- 
will of the king, of its patron, Cardinal Wolsey, and of 
its chancellor, Archbishop Warham. This speedily 
silenced the opposition. 

The humanists of the court also made positive contri- More and 
butions to classical education. More himself had been his ut P ta - 
educated at Oxford. He learned Greek under Grocyn and 
Linacre, and, during his career at the bar and in politics, 
continued his studies in the classics. In 1516 he wrote 
hi Latin his Utopia, which was the story of an imaginary 
commonwealth whose manners, laws, education, and 
other conditions might be a model for England. With 
the Utopians education was depicted as universal and 
covering a wide range of subjects, and when they heard 
of the Greek learning, they made haste to acquire this also. 

Elyot's Governour- Sir Thomas Elyot (1490-1546) 
was another government official to write on the humanistic 
education. His father had been a member of the group 
about More, and while he himself had not been at either Elyot held 
of the universities, he had grown up in the atmosphere 
of the classics and had the benefit of Linacre's instruction, 
Even during his activities in officialdom and diplomacy, 
he found time to indulge his love of classics and literary 
work. In middle life he retired entirely from public 
life, to devote himself to translation and educational 
writing, and published, among other humanistic works, 
The Boke named the Govemour. This treatise described 
the education of boys for statesmanship, which he held 
to consist especially in a training in Greek and Latin 
literature, and maintained : " Grammar being but an in- 
troduction to the understanding of authors, if it be made 
too long or exquisite [i.e. elaborate] to the learner, it in a 
manner mortifieth his courage. And by that time he 
come to the most sweet and pleasant reading of old 
authors, the sparkes of fervent desire of learning is extinct 
with the burden of grammar." 1 

1 A good account of TTie Gmernour can be found in Woodward's Edu- 
cation during the Renaissance, Chapter XIII, I. 

training for 



Vives, the 
was brought 
to England 
by Wolsey. 

The Schole- 
maiter of 
the teaching 
of Latin and 
Greek by 
4 double 

Educational Works of Vives. Contemporaneously 
with Elyot, Wolsey brought to England the Spanish 
scholar, Juan Luis Vives (1492-1540), who had been a 
friend of Budaeus and Erasmus. Vives had been given 
a humanistic education in Valencia, Paris, and Louvain, 
and had lectured upon classical subjects at the last-named 
place. In England he gave lectures upon the humanities 
at Oxford, wrote a manual upon the rudiments for 
Princess Mary, and dedicated his work upon Christian 
education to the queen. Both these and his chief treatise, 
De Tradendis Disciplinis (' On the Transmission of 
Learning'), which, with several other educational works, 
he wrote after leaving England, insist strongly upon 
religion and classics as the main content of education, 
although, more than any other Northern humanist, the 
proud Castilian finds an educational value in his native 

Ascham's Scholemaster and the Teaching of Latin. 
But the best known treatise on education written by any 
English humanist was The Scholemaster of Ascham, 
already mentioned. 1 This book was produced by request 
after a conversation in which Ascham had taken strong 
ground against the severity of school discipline then in 
vogue, and declared it unnecessary if the proper course 
of instruction were provided. As its name implies, the 
work deals purely with the formal education of the 
school. It is not altogether original, but is based largely 
upon the principles of the best classical writers on 
education, Plato, Aristotle, Cicero, and Quintilian, 
and the works of the leading Northern humanists t such 
as Budaeus, Erasmus, Sturm, and Elyot. The method 
of teaching and learning Latin and Greek is especially 
treated in The Scholemaster. As soon as the rudiments 
of Latin have been acquired, Ascham recommends that 
the student begin with his famous method of ' double 
translation.' z His plan is as follows : 

1 See p. 164. 

8 There is some reason to believe that Ascham took this method from 
his old teacher, Cheke, who used it in tutoring Prince Edward. 


" The childe must take a paper booke, and sitting in some place, 
where no man shall prompe him, by him selfe, let him translate into 
Englishe his former lesson. Then shewing it to his master, let the 
master take from him his latin booke, and pausing an houre, at the 
least, than let the childe translate his own Englishe into latin 
againe, in an other paper booke. When the childe bringeth it, 
turned into latin, the master must compare it with Tullies booke, and 
laic them both togither." 

, jMte<- 

In this way the pupil can be taught$frammar in con- 
nection with his reading and much mor$ ; pleasantly than 
by rheans of abstract rules. " For whan the Master 
shall compare Tullies booke with his Scholers transla- 
tion, let the Master, at the first, lead , and teach his 
Scholer, to joyne the Rewles of his Grammer booke, 
with the examples of his present lesson, untill the Scholer, 
by him selfe, be hable to fetch out of his Grammer, 
everie Rewle, for everie Example." Greek he advises 
to be taught in a similar way. By this method he 
declares that his royal pupil, Elizabeth, " hath atteyned 
to soch a perfite understanding in both the tonges \i. e. 
Latin and Greek] as they be fewe in nomber in both the 
universities or els where in England comparable with 
her maiestie." He then passes some severe criticisms 
upon the schools of the day for their inefficiency and 
want of economy. Their chief error consists in using 
translation only of the single sort and in hobbying con- 
stantly upon grammar. Their discipline, he feels, is 
naturally very harsh and brutal, when such dull methods 
are employed. With the appeal to interest that he has 
proposed, there will be no need of corporal punishment. 
In the second book, which is of little importance here, 
The Scholemaster treats of style, or " the ready way to 
the Latin tong." 

John Colet and His School at St. Paul's. The human- 
istic changes in English education and sentiment were 
not, however, limited to the universities, the court, or 
the theorists. Of far greater importance than the en- 
riched curriculum of the universities or the broader ideals 
of the times was the effect of humanism upon the schools 
of England. The most important factor in bringing 


about the enlarged purpose and curriculum was the 
foundation of St. Paul's School in 1509* by John Colet 
( i 4^6- 1519). Colet had studied at Oxford under Grocy n 
Coiet, and Linacre, and had Erasmus as his closest friend, 

school at* He then spent three or four years in Italy, where he 
st. Paul's, W as especially attracted by Neoplatonism and Bible 
binedre m ~ criticism. Upon returning to England, he lectured 
Hgious gratuitously at Oxford upon the Pauline Epistles from 

astudy g oTthe the standpoint of the author's social environment, and 
classics. upon the Pseudo-Dionysius. He referred to humanistic 
rather than scholastic authorities, and his lectures 
attracted not only the students of the university, but 
many prominent churchmen from outside. In 1505, 
having been made Dean of St. Paul's Cathedral in 
London, he started in earnest upon a campaign of re- 
form. With the aid of Grocyn and Erasmus, he opened 
lectures upon divinity, especially the Epistles of Paul, in 
which he strove to replace ecclesiastical traditions with 
a purer Testament. This naturally aroused the opposi- 
tion of some of his conservative superiors. As Erasmus 
wrote to a friend: "The Dean had never stood right 
with the Bishop, who was a very rigid Scotist, and the 
more jealous of the Dean, because his lectures and ser- 
mons were chiefly employed in opening the sense of the 
Scriptures, which being in the new way of learning, was 
called heresy." 

But persecution only made Colet the more determined 
in the cause of humanism, purer religion, and the 
advancement of humanity, and he decided to devote 
most of the fortune left him by his father to establish a 
humanistic school in St. Paul's Churchyard, dedicated to 
' the child Jesus.' Our best description of this school 
also comes from his friend Erasmus, who tells us : 

"He added dwelling-houses for the two masters, and to them 
allotted ample salaries, that they might teach a certain number of 
boys free, and for the sake of charity. He divided the school into 

1 The date of the foundation of St. Paul's is variously placed between 
1508 and 1512 by different authorities. 


four apartments. The first was for catechumens, or the children to 
be instructed in the principles of religion, where no child is to be 
admitted that cannot read and write ; the second, for the lower boys, 
to be taught by the second master or usher ; the third, for the upper 
forms, under the headmaster. . . . The fourth or last apartment is a 
little chapel for divine service. . . . They are not to admit all boys, of 
course, but to choose them in accordance with their parts and 
capacities. The wise and sagacious founder saw that the greatest 
hopes and happiness of the commonwealth were in the training up 
of children to good letters and true religion." 

Apparently Colet would have liked to secure Erasmus William uiy 
as 'hygh Maister' of his school, and such an appointment grsfhead- 6 
would surely have met his requirement of " a man hoole master, 
in body, honest and vertuouse and lernyd in the good 
and clene laten litterature and also in greke." But 
William Lily (1466-1529), whom Colet had previously 
met at Oxford and now made headmaster, had been 
well trained in classics at Oxford, Paris, Rome, and 
Greece, and must have filled the office well. John Rit- 
wyse, whom Erasmus selected for the school, while at 
Cambridge, was appointed ' surmaister ' or usher. 

As we might expect from Colet's personality and edu- 
cation, the character of the school was of the Northern 
humanistic type, and combined religious training with a 
study of the classics. Its prospective patrons were in- 
formed : " If youre chylde can rede & wryte laten and 
englyshe suffycyently, so that he be able to rede and 
write his own lessons, then he shal be admytted into 
the scole for a scholer." And for the pupils of the school 
Colet prescribed : 

" I wolde they were taught all way in goode litterature both laten 
and greke, and goode auctours suych as have the veray Romayne 
eliquence joyned withe wysdome, specially Cristyn auctours that wrote 
theyre wysdome with clene and chaste laten other in verse or in 
prose, for my entent is by thys scole specially to incresse knowlege 
and worshipping of god and oure lorde Criste Jesu and good Cristen 
lyff and maners in the Children. And for that entent I will the 
Chyldren lerne ffirst aboue all the Cathechyzon in englyshe, and 
after, the accidence that I made or some other yf eny be better to the 
purpose to induce children more spedely to laten spech. And 
thanne Institutum Christian! homines which that lernyd Erasmus 




The English 
taking St. 
Paul's as a 
model, were 

made at my request and the boke called Copia l of the same Eras- 

The textbook on ' accidence ' to which Colet refers in 
the foregoing quotation as his own production, was sent 
with large additions by him to ' Maister Lilye' for cor- 
rections and improvements, and, after further revision 
by Erasmus, it became the basis of the celebrated Lily's 
Grammar. This work was not only in use at St. Paul's, 
but in various editions remained the standard textbook 
in England for three centuries. 

Humanism in the English Grammar Schools. St. 
Paul's School thus played an important part in shaping 
not only English education, but the humanistic tendencies 
in the North. It trained a long list of brilliant scholars, 
literati, clergy, and statesmen, and was the imme- 
diate model for a host of other grammar schools. There 
were in existence at the time St. Paul's was founded 
some three hundred secondary schools of various types, 
and those which survived the general dissolution of 
ecclesiastical foundations by Henry VIII and Edward 
VI were remodeled on the new humanistic basis. 2 
These schools had come down from the Middle Ages 
and had been established throughout the country in 
connection with the cathedrals, monasteries, colleges, 
collegiate churches, and gilds, or in some cases upon an 
independent foundation. Their chief purpose had been 
training young men for the priesthood, and their cur- 
riculum was usually of the mediaeval monastic type. 
These soon felt the influence of the Renaissance and 
the example of St. Paul's School. New schools were also 
established in accordance with the humanistic ideals. 

1 I.e. De Copia Verborum et Rerum, a work on Latin composition 
which Erasmus had dedicated to St. Paul's. See p. 150. 

2 Leach {English Grammar Schools at the Reformation) has shown 
through the records of the Chantries Commission that it is a moderate 
estimate to place the number of ' grammar ' schools before the Reformation 
at three hundred. Grammar schools were, therefore, an old institution in 
England, and did not begin with the Reformation, so that Edward VI may, 
by his Chantries Act of 1548, be more properly considered a 'spoiler of 
schools ' than a founder. 


But the humanism of the schools in England, as in but the 
Italy and Germany, soon degenerated into the narrower so 
and more formal sort. The purpose of humanistic edu- narrow and 
cation became not so much a real training in literature formal - 
as a practical command of Latin as the means of culture 
in all ages. The Roman and Greek literatures were 
treated not so much as ends in themselves as store- 
houses of adequate and eloquent expression that was 
needed by all. The legal, medical, and clerical profes- 
sions all required a ready acquaintance with Latin, and 
it was a necessity in travel and international communi- 
cation. The educators of the times did not belittle the 
literary aspect, but felt that such an understanding of 
the authors would be limited to the intellectual genius, 
whereas Latin conversation, and an adaptation of classi- 
cal terms and phrases to the communication of ideas, 
was perfectly feasible for all. 

Accordingly, the training of the grammar schools in 
the later sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries became 
one of dictionaries, grammars, and phrase-books. The 
study of grammar, and rhetoric completely displaced the 
mediaeval dialectic, and, in the place of the former dis- 
putations, the pupils were exercised in writing Latin 
themes, verses, and orations in the style of different 
classical authors. A large range of writers was em- 
ployed, so that standards for variety and accuracy might 
be afforded the students. Expressions and selections 
were culled from the authors, especially Cicero and 
Terence, and treasured in note-books. Books of Collo- 
quies, such as those of Erasmus, Vives, and Corderius, 
were also used to give a training in Latin conversa 
tion and to purge away all tendencies toward mediaeval 
barbarisms. The methods became, therefore, largely 
memoriter and passive, although some exercise of judg- 
ment and taste was required of the pupils in making the 
proper selections, and in analyzing paragraphs, sen- 
tences, phrases, and words. 

Brinsley's Description of Formalism in the Grammar 
Schools. The formalism into which the grammar 



schools of England had thus fallen in the seventeenth 
century is depicted in a work by John Brinsley (1587- 
1665) called Ludus literarius : or the Grammar Schoole. 
This book, in which " two schoolmasters discourse con- 
cerning their functions," was intended to accomplish a 
reform of the conditions. It indicates that when Latin 
was once begun, the vernacular, arithmetic, and other 
subjects were neglected, and the time was entirely de- 
voted to the drill of inflecting, parsing, and construing 
a fixed set of texts and authors. The standard grammar 
of Lily was memorized by the pupils, and references 
to it glibly repeated, with little understanding of their 
meaning. A Latin theme had to be ground out each 
week, and all conversation was fashioned upon some 
phrase-book like the Colloquies of Corderius. The 
Greek in the course was small and exceedingly elemen- 
tary. The school hours were long, and the discipline, 
very naturally, was severe and irrational. 

English Grammar and Public Schools To-day. While, 
of course, reforms have since been made in all these 
directions, the organization and the humanistic character 
of the course and the organization of the English gram- 
mar school have been preserved in principle even to this 
day. Considerable enlargement and modification of the 
curriculum have been effected through the addition of 
mathematics, modern languages, and sciences, and a 
' modern ' course has been established by the side of the 
old one, but the classics are still the emphasized feature, 
and, to a large degree, the drill methods prevail. In 
the earliest grammar schools boys were admitted at seven 
or eight, and passed through eight classes, whereas the 
number of classes, or ' forms,' is now six, and the pupil 
enters at twelve, but if the ' preparatory school,' which 
is usually an integral part of the organization, is consid- 
ered, the pupils enter and graduate at almost the same 
age now as in the sixteenth century. 

It was, however, originally intended that the grammar 
schools should be open to rich and poor alike and that 
the endowment should be sufficient to obviate the need 


of fees, but, because of the great increase in expenses, 
necessary and unnecessary, there is little possibility now 
of any one in the lower classes attending a grammar 
school. Similarly, a distinction has come to be drawn 
between 'grammar' and 'public' schools, although it is 
not a very clear one. As a rule, a ' public ' school has 
a more aristocratic patronage and greater wealth, but it 
would be difficult to decide just what schools should fall 
in this class. Nine great public schools were recognized 
by the royal commission headed by Lord Clarendon in 
1864, Winchester (founded in 1387), Eton (1441), 
St Paul's (1509), Shrewsbury (1551), Westminster 
(1560), Rugby (1567), Harrow (1571), Merchant Tay- 
lors' (1575), and Charterhouse (1609). Other old 
schools, like Christ's Hospital (1553), and Dulwich 
(1619), are generally admitted, as are also some of the 
stronger foundations of Queen Victoria's reign, Chel- 
tenham (1841), Marlborough (1843), Rossall (1844), 
Wellington (1853), Haileybury (1862), and Clifton 
(1862). The Public School Year Book recognizes more 
than twenty other schools that may be ranked as ' pub- 
lic' schools, and many others claim this dignity that 
would not be so considered outside of the immediate 

The Grammar Schools of America. It was after these 
'grammar' schools of the mother country that the first 
secondary schools in America were modeled and named. 
In many instances the fathers of the American colonies, 
such as Roger Williams, William Penn, John Daven- 
port, Theophilus Eaton, and Edward Hopkins, had been 
educated in the grammar schools of England, and natu- 
rally sought to transplant these institutions to their new 
home. The Boston Latin l School was founded as early 
as 1635, and other towns of Massachusetts Charles- 
town, Ipswich, Salem, Dorchester, Newbury, Cambridge, 
and Roxbury followed the example before the middle 

1 Of course ' grammar ' is used in the sense of ' Latin grammar,' and 
the schools were known either as ' grammar ' or ' Latin ' schools. They 
were also sometimes called ' free ' schools. 

The great 
' pubSc ' 

The first 
schools of 
the Ameri- 
can colonies 
were mod- 
eled and 
named after 
the English 
schools, but 
the hold of 
was after- 
ward more 



of the century. Similarly, the towns of Connecticut, 
Rhode Island, New York, and Pennsylvania, and the 
counties of Virginia and Maryland, had in many cases 
founded grammar schools before the close of the century. 
After the act of 1647 by the General Court of Massa- 
chusetts, whereby it was ordered that " where any towne 
shall increase to ye number of 100 families or house- 
holders, they shall set up a gramer schoole," these 
borrowed secondary institutions were generally made 
compulsory in the various communities through the 
colonial legislatures. The American grammar schools, 
like their prototypes, were secondary and sustained no 
real relation to the elementary schools. They were in- 
tended to prepare pupils for college, although often the 
college had not yet been established, and, like the 
colleges, their ideal was " the service of God in church 
and commonwealth," the chief form of which was the 
Christian ministry. Hence their course, which covered 
only seven years, consisted chiefly in reading the classics 
and the New Testament, and used among its texts the 
Grammar of Lily and the Colloquies of Corderius. The 
course, like that of the English grammar schools, was, 
however, not as barren as it appeared, since ethics, his- 
tory, and other subjects were studied through the medium 
of the classic authors. Moreover, educational traditions 
were, of course, more flexible in the United States, and 
the hold of the narrower humanism upon secondary edu- 
cation was more readily loosened during the subsequent 
stages of the ' academy ' and the ' high school.' Never- 
theless, even in America formal classical training re- 
mained confused with liberal education, and, with little 
modification, lasted well into the nineteenth century. 

The Aim of Humanistic Education in the North. 
After this extended survey of the Renaissance and hu- 
manistic education in the various European countries 
north of Italy, it can easily be seen that these move- 
ments took on rather a different color here from what 
they did in the peninsula that gave them birth. While 
the humanism of the North was narrower in not con- 


cerning itself so much with self-culture, personal de- 
velopment, and the opportunities of life in all directions, 
it had a wider vision through interesting itself in society 
as a whole and in endeavoring to advance morality and 
religion everywhere. It took less account of the literary 
and aesthetic aspects of education, but it sought to re- 
move the abuses of Church and State by abolishing 
ignorance and superstition. If not as broad, it was at 
least deeper than the self-centered movement of the 
South. It was democratic and social in its trend, where 
the Italian Renaissance was more aristocratic and indi- 

In consequence, most of the humanists of the North 
were also religious or social reformers, and in Germany, 
France, and England humanism passed over into the 
Reformation. Erasmus differed from Luther only in 
believing that education would eventually effect the 
desired changes. So Melanchthon is ranked as a 
reformer, but he was fully as much a humanist, while 
the great humanistic educator, Sturm, was in hearty 
sympathy with the Reformation. Lefevre and others 
gave the first impulse to French Protestantism through 
their translation of the Bible. Colet endeavored to 
dethrone dogma and tradition through a better inter- 
pretation of St. Paul. 

The Northern Educational Organization. Hence the 
educational institutions of the North, such as the uni- 
versities, colleges, Hieronymian schools, Fiirstenschulen, 
Gymnasien, and grammar schools, became the seats 
of moral development. Until the time of the Jesuit in- 
stitutions, the typical humanistic schools were usually 
supported by the Reformation cities and were under 
Reformation leaders, and the chief educational influence 
of the Reformation, as will be seen, appeared in the 
foundation of humanistic schools and universities under 
the cities and states. Thus the two movements were 
generally fused in the institutions of education. 

The Course of Study. As in Italy, the curriculum of 
these humanistic foundations consisted mostly in the 

The educa- 
tional institu 
tions of the 
fused the 
and the 


The renewal 
of Greek was 
used to fur- 
nish a key to 
the New 

By the open- 
ing of the 
had become 
formal and 

mastery of Latin and Greek, but the renewal of Greek 
meant a key to the New Testament and the abolition of 
irrational tradition rather than the revelation of a new 
joy in living. The Italian Renaissance re-created the 
liberal education of Plato and Aristotle, Cicero and 
Quintilian, but the movement in its Northern spread 
found in the classics a means of religious reform, and 
later, a new interpretation of theology. 

The Formalization of Humanistic Education. With 
the rise of the Reformation, however, the humanistic 
movement in the North seems to have completed its 
mission. By the middle of the sixteenth century the 
spirit of criticism, investigation, and intellectual activity 
had begun to abate, and by the opening of the seven- 
teenth century, humanistic education in the North, as 
in Italy, had become almost as formal as education in 
mediaeval times, except that literary and linguistic sub- 
jects had replaced dialectic and theology. In the study 
of the classics, all emphasis was placed upon grammar, 
linguistics, and style. Form was preferred to content, 
and methods became memoriter and imitative, with the 
inevitable accompaniment of brutal discipline. Thus in 
Italy and the North, the attempts of the Renaissance 
to break up uniformity of life and thought, to overthrow 
authority and repression in Church and State, and to 
allow some latitude of expression to the individual, had 
hardened into a new type of formalism, and a new 
awakening was needed to revivify education and society 
in general. 



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CHALONER, T. (Editor). Moriae Laudatio of Erasmus. 

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FREUNDGEN, J. (Editor). Wimphelings Padagogischer Schriften. 


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XIII, XVI, and XVII, and Vol. II, Chap. XIX. 
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Second Series, pp. 1-176, and 401-405. 
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X, VIII and IX ; No. XI, VII ; and No. XII, XI. 
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BROWN, E. E. The Making of Our Middle Schools. Chaps. II- VII. 
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V-VIII, X-XI, and XIII. 



General Causes of the Reformation. The revolt of 
the Protestants from the Catholic Church, a movement 
generally known as the ' Reformation,' 1 may be regarded 
largely as an outgrowth of the Renaissance. It began 
to appear as the humanism of the North reached its 
height in the early part of the sixteenth century. The 
opposition to repressive authority that was characteristic 
of the age was felt in the case of ecclesiastical, as of 
cultural, educational, and social matters, but the Church 
stubbornly resisted the efforts toward reformation and 
emancipation in doctrine and ritual. The transforma- 
tion was, therefore, not effected gradually and quietly, 
but came to pass through force. The immense wealth, 
large numbers, and trained intellects of the supporters 
of the ecclesiastical institutions made it possible for a 
long time to thwart the spirit of the age, and the result 
was revolution rather than evolution. 

For several centuries there had been those within the There had 
Church who had earnestly striven to purify it of various ous^ttempt 
abuses, and when peaceful measures had failed, serious to revolt 
rebellions had, upon some occasions, ensued. In the church? as 
thirteenth century there occurred the uprisings of the in the case 
Albigenses and Waldenses, which were in the one case gen^ s A and 
crushed by the tortures of the Inquisition, and in the Waldenses, 
other kept in isolation until the Waldenses had merged 
with the later reformers. 2 

1 This description is somewhat unfair. The endeavor to purify the 
Church existed before the time of any separation, and such men as Wimp- 
feling, Erasmus, and Montaigne were as true reformers as Luther, Zwingli, 
and Calvin, although bitterly opposed to any division in Catholic Chris- 

2 These early heretics of southern France differed somewhat in position. 
The Waldenses, or followers of Peter Waldo of Lyons, imitated the simple 
life of Christ and the early Christians, but refused to accept the doctrines 



of Wyclif 
and Huss, 
and of the 
Councils of 
Pisa and 

but nothing 



Owing, how- 
ever, to the 
revival of 
the North 
and other 
there arose in 

A century and a half afterward, reaction to the extras 
agance, corruption, and nepotism of the papal court, 
especially while at Avignon (1305-1377), had brought 
sympathy and substance to the revolt of John Wyclif 
(1320-1384). But while this leader had been protected 
from the wrath of the Church by a division of political 
parties in England, and died peaceably, great efforts had 
been made to exterminate his followers, the ' Lollards.' 
However, through the marriage of Richard II to Anne 
of Bohemia, the Bohemian students had become gener- 
ally acquainted with the works of Wyclif, and the reform 
movement had been spread throughout that country by 
Johann Huss (1369-141 5) and others. While Huss had 
been burned as a heretic, and his followers held in check 
by persecution, the Hussite feeling had never altogether 
died out. Similarly, the Councils of Pisa (1409) and Con- 
stance (1414), which were held to decide who really was 
pope and to bring about a general reformation ' in head 
and members,' were, while peaceful, an organized oppo- 
sition to supreme authority and traditional abuses. 

None of these attempts achieved anything permanent, 
but during the sixteenth century, as the result of the 
social and intellectual conditions of the times, there arose 
a series of revolts against the papal authority that re- 
sulted in the establishment of a church or set of churches 
outside of Catholic Christianity. While each revolt; had 
some peculiarities of its own, there were"un3eTTyingthem 
all certain general causes that indicated their connection 
with the Renaissance. It has been seen in the foregoing 
chapter nDCv 1 the humanistic revival, with its tendencies 
toward individualism, had, in the more pious countries of 
the North, taken on a moral and religious aspect, and 
had resulted in efforts to secure a more accurate trans- 
lation of the Scriptures, without regard to the traditions 

and practices of the Church, and would not obey the sinful clergy. The 
Albigenses, on the other hand, completely rejected Christianity, and held 
that the Old Testament Jehovah, whom the Church worshiped, was the 
evil power of the universe. These latter were named from Albi, a town 
in the south of France, where their influence was centered. See p. 72. 


and dogmas of the Church. At the same time that eccle- 
siastical pomp and ceremony had come to such a height, 
there was present in the sixteenth century an evident 
tendency to consider theology unnecessarily complicated 
and to react toward a simpler faith. Many were seeking 
to read the Bible for themselves and to stress repentance 
rather than the outward forms of religion. This had led 
to a freedom of discussion and a criticism of the conduct 
of monks, priests, and theologians, and of other abuses 
in the Church. Moreover, outside of Italy, the national 
sentiment that had arisen produced a feeling against the 
secular powers exercised in each country by the pope. 

Causes of Luther's Revolt. Such were the senti- 
ments and conditions of the times that will explain the 
success of the reformers in general. Their main sup- 
port grew out of the spirit of the day. But to under- 
stand the Reformation and its effect upon education, it 
will be necessary to study briefly the situation and the 
character of the leader in each revolt. The acts of 
Martin Luther{ 1483-1 546), the earliest and most promi- 
nent reformer, first engage our attention. Luther's 
attitude did not grow primarily out of the Renaissance, 
but was rather the result of his spiritual struggles. 
Anxiety for his soul's welfare drove him at twenty-two 
to enter an Augustinian monastery near the humanistic 
University of Erfurt, where he had been studying. 
Here, despite all fasting, vigils, and penance, he found 
himself harassed by doubts concerning his salvation, 
until at last he decided to rely upon the Divine mercy 
toward those who truly repent rather than upon mere 
outward ' good works.' J But there was an intellectual, 
as well as a moral, side to Luther's nature, so that he 
was not satisfied until, on the basis of Augustine's writ- 
ings, he worked out his ' justification by faith ' into a 
logical and systematic theory. This doctrine he de- 
fended and taught tenaciously, especially after he was 

1 To the extent that the Protestant Reformation made an immediate 
knowledge of God possible for each individual soul, the movement may 
be regarded as an outgrowth of mysticism. See p. 47. 

the sixteenth 
century a 
series of re- 
volts that 
outside of 

Luther, har- 
assed by 
his 'justinca> 
tion by faith.' 



He chal- 
lenged Tet- 
zel to a de- 
bate on the 
value of ' in- 

After his 
contest with 
Eck, realiz- 
ing that he 
was in con- 
flict with the 
and feeling 
the human- 
istic and 
istic tend- 
encies of the 
times, he 
attacked the 

transferred to a theological professorship at the Uni- 
versity of Wittenberg. He attacked Aristotle and the 
schoolmen with great vigor, appealing to primitive 
Christianity and the right of free thought, and in this 
way his movement becomes identified in spirit with the 

In 1517, when a Dominican friar named Tetzel came 
to Wittenberg to sell ' indulgences ' and made claims 
that seemed to emphasize outward forms and contravene 
'justification by faith,' l Luther felt logically bound to 
challenge him to a debate, and nailed ninety-five theses 
concerning the value of indulgences to the church door 
at Wittenberg. This was a common university custom, 
and apparently he had no idea of breaking from the 
Church. He hardly supposed that his disputation, which 
was written in Latin and was in scholastic form, would 
be read by any save scholars. 2 Yet within a fortnight 
all Germany, and at the end of a month all Christen- 
dom, were acquainted with his declarations and probably 
recognized their significance more clearly than he. 

However, after his contest with Dr. Eck, two years 
later, in which he was led to deny the authority of both 
pope and council to determine the belief of the indi- 
vidual, Luther must have realized that he was in open 
conflict with the whole organization of the Church. 
But being of an obstinate temperament, and feeling that 
he was supported by the humanistic and individualistic 
tendencies of the times, he gradually grew more overt, 
and attacked the church doctrines and the papacy in 
popular pamphlets. In 1520 he was excommunicated 
by the pope, but burnt the 'bull,' and the following 

1 It is a popular belief among Protestants that an ' indulgence ' is a for- 
giveness of sin before its commission, or even a license to commit it, but 
this has no foundation, and did not constitute Luther's objection to the 
doctrine. He felt that it stressed penance rather than penitence, and was, 
therefore, superfluous. For Tetzel's Sermon on Indulgences, see Robinson 
and Whitcomb, Early Reformation in Germany, pp. 9-11. 

2 A translation of these theses will be found in any good source book 
covering the Reformation. See Robinson's Readings, Vol. II, pp. 58-62, 
or Robinson and Whitcomb, Early Reformation in Germany, pp. 11-19. 


year he was summoned by the emperor, Charles V, to 
appear before the Diet at Worms and answer for his 
heresies. At the trial he was simply asked whether 
certain writings were his, and was not allowed to defend 
his conclusions, and when he refused to retract unless 
he were refuted by the Scriptures, the diet declared him 
an outlaw. 

Educational Features of Luther's Religious Works. 
Since the thirteenth century it had been well under- 
stood that both the emperor and the decrees of the 
imperial diet had but little power, but since no one 
knew just how effective an edict like that of Worms 
might prove, 1 Luther was spirited away by his friends 
to a castle called ' the Wartburg.' The nine months 
spent in hiding gave him an opportunity, long desired, 
to awaken the minds and hearts of the common people 
by a translation of the Greek Testament into colloquial 
language. A dozen years later, in 1534, he had com- 
pleted a translation of the entire Bible, and afterward 
revised it twice. There had been many vernacular 
translations before, but this was the first in modern 
High German, and it fixed a definite standard for the 
language. Its educational effect in getting the masses 
to read and reflect must have been very great. For the 
further instruction of the people, whom he found ex- 
ceedingly ignorant, he produced, in 1529, two catechisms, 
one for adults and the other for children. And every- 
where through the volumes of addresses, sermons, and 
letters that he has left are found allusions to the organi- 
zation of education and sound pedagogical advice. 

Luther's Chief Educational Works. Many of the 
efforts of Luther in behalf of education, then, were evi- 
dently incidental to his religious and theological devel- 
opment. But he also made very early more direct 

1 The Diet of Worms was followed by a series of diets that attempted 
to enforce its findings. Little, however, could be done until the emperor 
returned from his foreign wars. Even then he was obliged, because of 
the interference of France and dissensions within his own ranks, to con- 
sent, in 1555, to the Peace of Augsburg, whereby each German state was 
allowed to choose between the Lutheran and Catholic confessions. 

papacy, and 
was con- 
demned at 
the Diet of 

While in 
hiding at the 
Luther trans- 
lated the 
New Testa- 
ment, and 
later the 
entire Bible, 
to get it be- 
fore the 
masses. He 
also wrote 
two cate- 
chisms for 
the instruc- 
tion of the 

To improve 
he issued his 
Letter to 
Mayors and 
and wrote 
his famous 

1 84 


He held that 
should pre- 
pare for 

efforts to better the education of the times, which he 
could easily see was sadly deficient in organization, cur- 
riculum, methods, and discipline. Owing to the excesses 
of some of the other reformers and his various allies, 
and his own opposition to their acts, 1 he was obliged to 
depend more and more upon the secular powers and 
the civil government for assistance, and in 1524 he 
issued his Letter to the Mayors and Aldermen of All 
Cities of Germany in behalf of Christian Schools. This 
was followed half a dozen years later by his longest 
educational writing, the Sermon on the Duty of Sending 
Children to School. The school systems had been so 
closely connected with the Church that it seemed during 
the first few years of the German revolt as if all higher 
training would be destroyed, especially as some of the 
extremists among the reformers held that education was 
unnecessary for right faith. 1 But Luther insisted upon 
secondary, as well as elementary, training, and believed 
that this was not possible without the languages. Hence 
he adopted the humanistic education, and we find him 
working on school problems side by side with Melanch- 
thon, the great representative of that tendency. 

The Civic Aim of Education. The purpose of educa- 
tion Luther everywhere holds to involve the promotion 
of the State's welfare quite as much as that of the 
Church. The schools were to make good citizens as 
well as religious men. In his Letter he claims : 

"The highest welfare, safety, and power of a city consist in able, 
learned, wise, upright, and cultivated citizens, who can secure, pre- 

1 Luther was, of course, a revolutionary, and there was a tendency for 
all other discontented elements in the state, stirred by his success, to hasten 
to his standard, regardless of the nature of their own grievances. Such were 
Carlstadt, who believed in breaking up all the monasteries, and abandon- 
ing scholarship; the mystic Anabaptists, who taught that learning was as 
naught, and only through direct communication with God could anything 
be accomplished ; the knights, like von Sickingen and von Hutten, who 
were jealous of the princes and prelates; and the peasants, who were im- 
pelled by oppression to indulge in anarchistic orgies. Luther was in great 
danger of being identified with anarchy and violence in general, and had 
to repudiate and vehemently oppose these allies, and depend wholly upon 
the princes for support. 


serve, and utilize every treasure and advantage. . . . Though there 
were no soul, nor heaven, nor hell, but only the civil government, 
would not this require good schools and learned men more than do 
our spiritual interests ? . . . For the establishment of the best 
schools everywhere, both for boys and girls, it is a sufficient consid- 
eration that society, for the maintenance of civil order and the proper 
regulation of the household, needs accomplished and well-trained 
men and women." 

The Organization of Education by the State. Educa- and should 
tional institutions, he believes, should, on that account. be state-sup- 

' r\r*ff/-l or^H 

be maintained at public expense for every one rich 
and poor, high and low, boys and girls alike. Parents 
are, however, frequently too selfish, ignorant, or busy to 
look out for the schooling of their children, and "it 
will, therefore, be the duty of the mayors and councils 
to exercise the greatest care over the young." In his 
Sermon he even goes so J: ar as to maintain : 

"The civil authorities are under obligation to compel the people 
to send their children to school. ... If the government can com- 
pel such citizens as are fit for military service to bear spear and rifle, 
to mount ramparts, and perform other martial duties in time of war ; 
hw*nuch more has it a right to compel the people to send their 
children to school ! " 

This is the first hint since the Roman days of a system 
of education supported and controlled by the State, which 
before very long was destined to become general in 
Germany and then throughout the world. 1 

Industrial and Academic Training. The most impor- He advo- 

tant innovation of Luther, however, was his desire to catededuca- 

i i i i i 111 * lon * r 

introduce schools in which the common people could be occupation, 

fitted for their occupations in life. He likewise wished 
to correlate the school more closely with the home. 
" My idea," he says on this matter, "is that boys should P u P lls - 
spend an hour or two a day in school, and the rest of 

1 This suggestion becomes an actuality in the organization of the schools 
of Saxony in 1528 by Luther's colleague, Melanchthon, at the request of 
the elector, Johann. See pp. 157 and 187. That was, of course, much 
more thoroughly a state system than the subsidization and partial control of 
the Roman schools by the emperor and was the forerunner of all state 
management. See Graves, History of Education before the Middle Ages, 
pp. 265-267. 

1 86 


the time work at home, learn some trade and do what- 
ever is desired, so that study and work may go on to* 
gether." But he does not limit education to an industrial 
training. He also plans a more academic course for 
" the brightest pupils, who give promise of becoming 
accomplished teachers, preachers, and workers." 

Religious, Humanistic, and Other Content of Education. 

The chief study in the school, Luther very naturally 
holds, should be the Bible. "Where the Holy Scrip- 
tures are not the rule," he says, " I should advise no one 
to send his child." And again he declares: "The soul 
can do without everything except the Word of God." 
Next to the Scriptures he held the catechism to be 
necessary. 1 But the great reformer was also a humanist, 
and, like the other humanists of the North, recommends 
the ancient languages Latin, Greek, and Hebrew for 
the light they would throw upon the Scriptures and the 
patristic writers. He likewise approves of rhetoric and 
dialectic, which were very valuable subjects in those 
days of controversy, and he makes a decided advance 
in advocating history, natural science, vocal and instru- 
mental music, and gymnastic exercises. History is 
advised, not only, as was common with the humanists, 
for the sake of illustrating moral truth, but also for the 
purpose of understanding social institutions. The study 
of nature had a bearing upon religion, and was intended 
to reveal "the wonders of Divine goodness and the 
omnipotence of God." He considered gymnastics of 
value both for the body and the soul, and music a means 
of "driving away all care and melancholy from the 

Rationality in Method and Competency in Schoolmasters. 

The methods that Luther proposed were a decided ad- 
vance upon those of the narrower humanism. They were 
to be less mechanical and memoriter, and to appeal more 
to interest and rationality. He would utilize the natural 
activity of children and not attempt to repress them, and 

1 Hence the translation of the Bible and the preparation of catechisms 
may well be regarded as part of his educational work. 


would make use of concrete examples, wherever possible. 
Languages he would teach less by grammar than by 
practice, since, " while printed words are dead, spoken 
words are living ; on the printed page they are not so 
forcible as when uttered by the soul of man through the 
mouth." And it is his recognition of the need of proper 
method that leads him to comment upon the importance 
of the teacher's function as follows : 

" An industrious, pious schoolmaster or teacher, who faithfully 
trains and educates boys, can never be sufficiently recompensed. . . . 
Next to the ministry, it is the most useful, greatest, and best calling ; 
and I am not sure which of the two is to be preferred. For it is hard 
to make old dogs docile and old rogues pious, yet that is what the 
ministry works at ; but young trees, though some may break in pieces, 
are more easily bent and trained." 

The Embodiment of Luther's Ideas in Schools by His Luther's 
Friends, Melanchthon and Sturm. The organization, PerelffiL- 
content, and method advocated by Luther in his Letter, tionaiized by 
Sermon, and other writings, were worked out in actual ^ s n turm n 
institutions by his friends and associates, especially 
Melanchthon. The year after the Letter was published, 
the Protestants were requested by the Count of Mansfeld 
to establish in Luther's native town of Eisleben an 
elementary and secondary school, which should put his 
educational theories into practice. This institution, as 
has been stated in the preceding chapter, 1 was established 
through Philip Melanchthon( 1479- 1 $6)> an d became a 
prototype of the Gymnasien. We have also noted how 
three years later, in 1528, Melanchthon was likewise 
engaged by Luther's protector, Johann, Elector of 
Saxony, to reorganize the schools of that state, and the 
plan he formulated was, after modifications, adopted in 
many other places. An account of the work of the 
humanist and reformer, Johann Sturm (1507-1589) at 
Strasburg, which, although on the basis of the decadent 
humanism, influenced all Europe, has likewise been 
given. 2 

Bugenhagen. Many other institutions and school 

1 See p. 157. 

2 See pp. 158-161. 



by Bugen- 
hagen in his 
orders to the 
cities and 
states of 

systems, which have not been mentioned, were organized 
by the colleagues of Luther and Melanchthon. A noted 
humanist named Johann Bngenhagen (1485-1558) was in 
1520 attracted by Luther to Wittenberg, and three years 
later became professor of theology there. He had pre- 
viously taught in classical institutions, and from now on 
he was engaged in reorganizing the churches in the 
cities and states of northern Germany. In all these 
places, by his general ' church order ' to each, he made 
ample provision for schools. Through his order for 
Hamburg in 15 20, for instance, he organized a single Latin 
school with a rector and seven teachers, together with a 
German school for boys and one for girls in every parish. 
The curriculum of the Latin school, which taught Latin, 
Greek, Hebrew, dialectic, rhetoric, mathematics, cate- 
chism, and singing, would seem to have been taken 
directly from the Lutheran pattern. Eight years after- 
ward the church order of Brunswick provided two classical 
schools, two vernacular schools for the boys, and four 
for the girls, so located in the city that all children could 
conveniently reach a school. Within half a dozen years, 
similar requirements were made in Liibeck, Minden, 
Gottingen, Soest, Bremen, Osnabriick, and other cities, 
and throughout some entire states of Germany, such as 
Holstein and Bugenhagen's native duchy of Pomerania ; l 
and in 1537 the system of Hamburg was introduced into 

Trotzendorf . Another collaborator of Luther's, Val 
entin Trotzendorf "* (1490-1556), made some very striking 
improvements in his school at Goldberg, Silesia. He 
reorganized this school in 1531 on the basis of the ideas 
of his teacher, Melanchthon, and during the quarter of 
a century that he was rector, it became very famous as 
a humanistic and religious institution. The aim and 
course of study were practically those of the reformers, but, 

1 From this duchy, Bugenhagen is sometimes called Pomeranus or Dr. 

2 His real name was Friedland, but he was born in the village of 


in addition, he instituted a system of student government, 
after the plan of a Roman republic, which elected its own offi- 
cers. As an outgrowth of this organization, he resorted 
to a species of monitorial method in teaching. The stu- 
dents in the higher classes instructed the younger pupils, 
and were thus given a training to become regular teachers. 

Neander. Michael Neander^ (1525-1595), another and by 
pupil of Melanchthon, likewise conducted a successful 
Latin school after the plan of the reformers. He had 
already obtained some experience in a Latin school, 
when, upon the recommendation of Melanchthon, he 
was at twenty-five made rector of the cloistral school at 
Ilfeld in the Harz. Neander found his life work in 
building up this institution. He formulated a course of 
study running from the sixth to the eighteenth year 
of the pupil, and by the nature of this curriculum, he 
showed himself more liberal and daring than any other 
Northern schoolmaster. He even ventured, at the height 
of humanism, to question why Greek and Latin should 
be taught at all, and showed his true humanistic spirit by 
adding history, geography, science, and music to the 
course, and by reforming the methods of teaching gram- 
mar, rhetoric, and dialectic. He was forced to make 
texts for his own needs, and although he never had any 
assistant, he found time to publish thirty -nine books and 
prepare the manuscripts for some fourteen more. This 
school was considered by Melanchthon the best in the 
country, and its pupils from the beginning occupied 
most important positions in Church and State. Those 
who entered the university took precedence of all who 
were prepared elsewhere. 

Causes of Zwingli's Revolt. About the same time 
that Luther's breach with the Church was coming to a 
crisis, another successful, though less eventful, revolt 
was beginning in northern and central Switzerland under 
the leadership of Ulrich* Zwingli (1484-1531). His 

1 Neander is the Hellenized form of Neumann, which was his name 

2 Perhaps more properly written Huldreich. 


reforms were more directly the result of Northern hu- 
manism than of any such serious personal and spiritual 
struggles as those of Luther. Zwingli was born in a 
wealthy family, and had been able to obtain the most 
complete education that the times afforded. He learned 
from Erasmus and others that there was little basis in 
the Bible for the traditional theology, and became him- 
self a deep student of essential Christianity as depicted 
in the New Testament. He read the accounts carefully 
in the original Greek, even committing the Epistles of 
Paul to memory, and began the study of Hebrew to get 
at the meaning of the Old Testament. After about a 
dozen years in the priesthood, he was chosen preacher 
for the Cathedral at Zurich, and in 1519 began his at- 
tack upon the dogmas and abuses of the Church. He 
denounced the sale of indulgences, and had a friar who 
was selling them driven out of Zurich. As many of 
the towns of Switzerland, including Zurich, were, by an 
old agreement, allowed to administer their own religious 
affairs, Zwingli was able, by securing the support of the 
town, to bring about a fairly peaceful revolution. He 
gradually dropped one tradition or form of the Church 
after another, until, within five years, he had abolished 
even the celebration of the mass. In the matter of the 
eucharist he went much farther than Luther and held 
that the ordinance was simply a commemoration of 
Christ's atoning death. Luther, in consequence, refused 
Christian fellowship to Zwingli, but since many adopted 
the latter's position, another complication was intro- 
duced among the reformers. 

Zwingli's Educational Foundations and Treatise. 
Zwingli made the extension of educational facilities a 
part of his reform. He founded a number of humanistic 
institutions, and introduced elementary schools into 
Switzerland. In 1523 he published in Latin his Brief 
Treatise on the Christian Education of Youth, which he 
translated into the Swiss dialect the following year. l 

1 The Latin title was Pracccptiones pauculae, quo pacto ingenui ado- 
Uscentes formandi sunt, but as translated in the Swiss German it read 


In the plan outlined by this work, Zwingli arranged 
a systematic course on the Bible so that the material of 
the Gospels and Epistles was gradually developed. The 
classics and Hebrew were likewise advocated to bring 
out the true meaning of the Word. Similarly, he ad- 
vised the study of Nature, as revealing the handiwork 
of the Almighty, and inculcating reverence and love. 
From the practical turn of his temperament, which he 
had in common with most reformers, he was led to 
recommend arithmetic, surveying, and music, and to 
propose almost a Greek palaestral course in running, 
jumping, putting the shot, and even wrestling. 

The reforms of Zurich soon spread to the other towns, 
but were vigorously resisted with arms by the Catholic 
cantons, and, during the conflict that followed, Zwingli 
was slain at the battle of Kappel in the prime of life. 
His position was maintained by his successor in the 
cathedral, but his work was overshadowed and merged 
during the second generation of reformers in the more 
aggressive movement of Calvin. 

Causes of Calvin's Revolt. Jean Calvin' 1 (1509- 1564) 
was among the French Protestants who were forced to 
flee from the persecutions of the king, Francis I, in 
1535. Protestantism in France had begun through the 
influence of Northern humanism and the study of the 
Greek Testament. As a result of the keener insight 
thus obtained, many of the traditional forms were re- 
jected, and a doctrine akin to the 'justification by faith ' 
was preached there even before the time of Luther. 
But the revolt which started at Wittenberg must also 
have had some effect upon Calvin. That reformer had 
received an excellent legal and theological education, 
and had naturally a logical and judicial mind of great 
strength. Consequently, he did not content himself 

Leerbichlein ( i.e. Lehrbuchlein ) wie man die Knaben christlich unter- 
weysen und erziehen soil. See Schmid, Gcschichte der Erziehung, Vol. X, 
pp. 695 ff. 

1 Calvin is abbreviated from the Latinized form (Calvinus) of the 
original French, Cauvin. 

Zwingli was 
slain in 
battle, and 
his move- 
ment was 
merged in 
that of 

Calvin's re- 
volt grew out 
of the study 
of the Greek 
He was the 
first Protes- 
tant to 
undertake a 
positive sys- 
tem of 



At Geneva 
he worked 
out his the- 
ology, and 
colleges, to 
the manage- 
ment of one 
of which he 
called Cor- 

The theory 
of Corderius, 
as shown in 
his De 

and Collo- 

with merely attacking Catholic doctrine, but was the 
first Protestant to undertake a positive system of theology, 
formulating among other doctrines that of ' predestina- 
tion.' He based his position upon the infallibility of the 
Bible, rather than that of the pope and the Church. 

Calvin's Encouragement of Education, and the Work of 
Corderius. The call of Calvin from Basel, where he 
had first settled after leaving France, to reorganize the 
civil and religious administration of the city of Geneva, 
gave him an excellent opportunity for working out his 
doctrines. While he was much engrossed in religious 
disputes, he established colleges at Geneva and elsewhere, 
and in other ways undertook to found schools and pro- 
mote education. He succeeded, too, in persuading his 
former teacher, Maturinus Corderius (1479-1 564 V to 
come to Switzerland, and organize, administer, and teach 
in the reformed colleges. From 1546 to 1559 Corderius 
managed the institution at Lausanne, and for the last 
five years of his life, although past eighty, he taught in 
the College de la Rive in Geneva under the headmaster- 
ship of another. From his two chief works, De Emenda- 
tione and Colloquia^ we learn the character of the course 
he favored and obtain a vivid account of the life and 
methods of the schoolmaster and pupils in his day. 
Clearly the ideal for education with Corderius was the 
pietas literata ('learned piety') of Melanchthon, Sturm, 
and the other Northern humanists. In the De Emen- 
datione, after stating his purpose of developing a good 
French and Latin style in the pupils, he expresses the 
desire " that youths not only may be stirred to speaking 
Latin, but also stimulated to the leading of a noble life. 
For we have interspersed in the whole of this little work, 
as the opportunity offered, a number of exhortations to 
live a pious and Christian life." A similar attempt at 
moral and religious training, while teaching Latin, is 
made in the conversations upon everyday topics in the 
Colloquia. From this work, too, we may infer that in 

1 See pp. 143 f. 


the Calvinist schools psalms were sung every day, public 
prayers were offered, selections from the Bible repeated, 
questions asked concerning the sermon, and other re- 
ligious exercises urged upon the pupils. 

The College at Geneva. That humanistic and religious 
subjects made up the usual curriculum of the Calvinist 
colleges, we can easily perceive from the course of the 
College de la Rive at Geneva, which has been preserved 
to us in the 'constitution' of 1559.* In the seven classes 
of this school the pupils first learned their letters and 
how to form syllables, then they were taught reading 
and grammar from the French-Latin catechism, and 
finally they studied Vergil, Cicero, Ovid, Caesar, Livy, 
and Latin composition. Greek was begun in the fourth 
year, and, beside such classical authors as Isocrates, 
Xenophon, Polybius, Homer, and Demosthenes, and the 
translation of Latin into Greek, they read the Gospels 
and Epistles in the original. In the higher classes, as 
in the other Reformation schools, they studied logic from 
such a text as Melanchthon's, rhetoric from the speeches 
of Cicero and Demosthenes, and elocution by the deliv- 
ery of two original orations each month. 

Spread of the Calvinist Education. Colleges of the 
Calvinist type rapidly spread among the Huguenots of 
France, who by this means soon became far better edu- 
cated than the rest of their countrymen. Also as Geneva 
became, about the time of Calvin, a city of refuge for 
all the oppressed, Protestants from many countries im- 
bibed the religious and educational ideas of Calvin, and 
brought them back to their native lands. Thus Cal- 
vinism and a regard for a humanistic, religious, and 
universal education were carried not only through 
Switzerland, France, and Germany, but were taken up 
by the persecuted Netherlanders, the English Protes- 
tants of Mary's time, and the Scotch in the days of 
Mary, Queen of Scots, and, being also adopted by the 
English Puritans, found their way into America. 

The College 
de la Rive, 
its seven 
classes, and 
the human- 
istic and 
taught in 

French, Ger- 
man, Dutch, 
English, and 
fleeing to 
bring back 
with them. 

1 See Woodward's Education during the Renaissance, pp. 158 ff. 



John Knox 
free elemen- 
tary schools 
were estab- 
lished in 
under parish 

Henry VIII 
to make him 
head of the 
Church, and 
him to 
receive the 

Knox and the Elementary Schools of Scotland. But 
of all the men influenced by Calvin, probably his contem- 
porary, John Knox (\tp$-\t ) 'j2\ who headed the religious 
revolt in Scotland, was the most forceful, and did the 
most important work for education. It was largely 
through him that the first free elementary schools were 
established in Scotland under the control of the parishes, 
and education was freed from its bondage to feudalism, 
ecclesiasticism, and royalty. These schools were to 
give instruction in reading, writing, and religion, with 
the Bible as text, and they have done a wonderful work 
in raising the level of intelligence and morality in Scot- 
land. 1 Through them, since they have not always 
stopped with elementary education, 2 the sons of even 
Scotch laborers and peasants have been able to rise to 
positions of the greatest dignity. 

Causes of Henry VIII's Revolt. England also tended 
to break from the doctrines of the Church. This was 
somewhat the result of humanism, and possibly of the 
doctrines of Luther, 3 which had later spread into Eng- 
land, but the immediate cause of the breach was the 
attack made upon the Church by the king and govern- 
ment. Henry VIII (reigned 1509-1547), wanting a 
male heir, and being tired of his wife, attempted to 
secure a divorce through the pope. When the pope 
forbade his doing this, Henry took advantage of the 
independent political spirit of England and persuaded 
the country that the pope was interfering with their 
internal affairs. In 1533 the king induced Parliament 
to forbid all legal appeals to any authority outside the 
country, and then had his marriage set aside by the 

1 In the matter of free elementary education, Scotland preceded Eng- 
land by more than two centuries. In England, until 1870, education was 
furnished almost entirely through endowed ' grammar ' or ' public ' schools, 
private schools, or institutions maintained by religious or philanthropic 

2 See pp. 199 f. 

8 It is not unlikely that Lollardism also furnished a congenial soil for 
individuality in interpreting the Scriptures. While the Lollards as an 
organized sect no longer existed, the spirit of Wyclif was still abroad in 
the land. 


subservient court of Archbishop Cranmer. He further 
had himself recognized as head of the national church, 
and was given the right by Parliament to appoint all 
bishops and to receive the payments that were formerly 
made by English ecclesiastics to the pope. 

The Effect of Royal Confiscations upon Education. 
On the ground that the monks were practicing fraud 
and immorality, in 1536 Henry began to confiscate the 
monastic lands and property. Within a decade he sup- 
pressed over six hundred monasteries, ninety colleges, 
twenty-three hundred free chapels, and one hundred 
hospitals, and thereby secured an annual income of one 
hundred and fifty thousand pounds. About one half of 
the plunder thus secured Henry spent upon coast de- 
fenses and a new navy, and much of the remainder he 
distributed among his favorites and supporters. Very 
little of this money was spent for education, higher or 
secondary, to atone for the wholesale destruction of 
schools and colleges he had wrought. The effect upon 
education of the reign of his successor, Edward VI 
(1547-1553), was very similar. 1 It was formerly sup- 
posed that this latter monarch used the income which 
he secured from the monastic and chantry foundations 
in the cause of education. Leach has, however, shown 
that " never was a great reputation more easily gained 
and less deserved than that of King Edward VI as a 
founder of schools." Elementary and secondary schools 
were old institutions in England, and did not begin with 
the Reformation. There were in existence from the time 
of the Middle Ages schools upon cathedral, monastic, col- 
legiate, hospital, gild, chantry, and independent foun- 
dations, and these were much more numerous before the 
Reformation than afterward. Prior to the reign of 
Henry VIII, even the smallest towns and villages would 

1 The basis of Edward's action was, however, quite different. " At the 
very time Henry was dissolving the Chantries he was prosecuting people 
for not believing in Purgatory. The Parliament of the Protector Somerset 
placed their action on religious grounds. They dissolved the Chantries 
because they condemned the objects of the Chantries." See Leach, 
English Schools at the Reformation, pp. 65 ft". 

He also con- 
fiscated the 

and property, 
and spent 
little of the 
income for 
His succes- 
sor, Edward 
VI, did not 
do much 



Some schools 
were not 
and a 
great many 
others were 
endowed by 
wealthy men 
during the 
days of the 
last Tudors 
and the first 
Stuarts. All 
these adopted 
the curricu- 
lum of the 

The Anglican 
Church re- 
mained mid- 
way, and the 
Puritans had 
to form their 
own type of 

seem to have had elementary schools, and no boy would 
need to go a great distance for a ' grammar ' school, 
whereas the small number of students at the close of 
the Reformation shows the effect of the legislation in 
the days of King Henry and his son. 

The Later Increase in Grammar Schools. Of the 
three hundred ' grammar ' schools that had probably 
come down fronTThu Middle Ages, however, some, by 
the terms of the parliamentary acts, were not destroyed, 
and popular sentiment caused others to be refounded. 
And after the establishment of St. Paul's School by 
Dean Colet, 1 the number of ' grammar ' schools was 
very largely added to, though by the philanthropy of 
wealthy men rather than out of the spoils of the monas- 
teries. During the reign of Elizabeth (1558-1603) and 
of the first two Stuart kings (1603-1649) these founda- 
tions were greatly increased by grants of land and 
money. All of these schools, largely following the ex- 
ample of St. Paul's, adopted the Northern ideals of 
humanism, 2 and furnished a curriculum of classics and 
religious training. The latter became based, of course, 
upon the teachings of the Church of England. These 
schools were intended to be open to rich and poor alike, 
an ideal, as has been shown, 3 that was afterward lost 
sight of, and it was hoped that every parish might soon 
have one of these schools, and furnish preparation for 
the university to all boys of intelligence. 

The Puritans and Their Education. Despite his radi- 
cal changes in the administration of the Church, Henry 
VIII made few departures from the old doctrines. He 
insisted upon the retention of transubstantiation, private 
masses, confession, and the celibacy of the clergy. 4 
And although Edward VI and Elizabeth 6 greatly ad- 
vanced Protestantism, the Anglican ritual remained 

1 See pp. 167-170. 8 See pp. 172 f. 

2 See pp. 170 f. 4 See footnote on p. 195. 

6 Mary, whose reign (1553-1558) came between those of these sover- 
eigns, naturally sought to bring the English Church back to its allegiance 
to Rome. 


midway between Catholicism and the extreme Protestant 
position, and gradually a third party, composed of more 
radical Protestants, arose in England. These people 
later became known as the ' Puritans,' and were forced 
to fnaugurate a type of education and set of schools of 
their own. The period of their educational prominence 
can best be considered later on. 1 

The Aim of Protestant Education. After this general 
review of the Reformation, it can be seen that, while 
other factors entered into the various revolts from the 
Church, each seems to have had a common element in 
the spirit that appeared in Northern humanism. The 
social and moral awakening of this Renaissance of the 
North furnished support for every reform of Church 
doctrine and practice that arose. Many came to feel 
that religion did not consist in a completed revelation, 
but in a progressive interpretation of the original teach- 
ings of Christianity. It depended less upon uncritical 
and obedient acceptance of dogma than upon the con- 
stant application of reason to the Scriptures. The 
Protestants, therefore, generally stressed not only the 
religious conception of education, but the idea of its 
universality, since they felt that every one should be 
intelligent enough to make his own interpretation. With 
nearly all of them, too, education was to be civil as well 
as religious. It must promote Christian beliefs and lead 
to church affiliation, they held, but it should exist quite 
as much for the sake of the State as of the Church. 

The Foundation of Elementary Schools in Protestant 
Countries. To accomplish this, the reformers, as a rule, 
desired to cooperate with the civil officials in matters of 
education, and to have the schools managed, and to some 
extent supported, by the State. It came to be felt that 
it was the duty of the civic authorities to insist that each 
child should obtain at least an elementary training, and 
in this way the modern tendency toward universal, free, 
and compulsory education began. Although at first the 

held that a 
of Christian- 
ity was 
needed, and 
that educa- 
tion should 
be religious, 
civil, and 


reformers co- 
with the civil 
officials, and 
insisted upon 
an elemen- 
tary educa- 
tion for all. 

See Chapter XIX, and Milton in Chapter XVII. 


Protestant reaction from authority and the beaten path 
produced in many instances confusion, destruction of 
schools, and a depletion of educational facilities and a 
lowering of standards, it resulted eventually in the gen- 
eral foundation of elementary schools and the increase 
of education in most Protestant countries. 

This is seen Elementary Education in the German States. In 
burghs*" Germany there were many illustrations of this spread 
lebeii.andthe of elementary education and civic control. These prin- 
man cities7 cipl es were, as has been evident, 1 most emphatically 
and in Sax- held by Luther and his colleagues, and the effect of 
temberg! r and tne i r expression of them was widely felt. As an imme- 
other states, diate result of his appeal to the magistrates, 2 in 1524 
the city of Magdeburg united its parish schools under 
one management and adopted the Protestant ideals. So, 
in 1525, upon the request of the Count of Mansfeld, 
Melanchthon organized upon a Protestant basis the 
school at Eisleben, which included elementary as well 
as secondary work. 3 Similar ideals and organization 
appear in the provision for 'German' schools in the 
'Church orders' sent out by Bugenhagen in 1520-1537 
to the Protestant cities and states of North Germany.* 
A further step was taken in 1528, when Melanchthon was 
commissioned to draw up a plan for schools throughout 
the entire electorate of Saxony. 3 This, the first state 
school system in history, was followed by one in Wur- 
temberg, where in 1559 Duke Christopher adopted a 
modification of the Saxon plan, which called for a 
religious and elementary training for the children of 
the common people in every village of the duchy. 
Brunswick in 1569, and Saxony in 1580, followed the 
lead of Wiirtemberg, and made new statutes to im- 
prove their school systems. Before the middle of the 
next century a number of other states of Germany, 
such as Weimar, Hessen-Darmstadt, Mecklenburg, 
Holstein, Hessen-Cassel, and Gotha, started elementary 
schools after an improved form of the organization in 

1 See pp. 184 f. and 187-189. 8 See pp. 157 and 187. 

2 See p. 184. * See p. 188. 


Saxony and Wiirtemberg. Of these the most complete 
and systematic was that established in 1642 by Ernst 
'the Pious,' Duke of Gotha, which became the basis of 
the present school system of Germany. 

Equal opportunities for girls to secure elementary Equal 
education were soon provided by the various German ^e?e 
states, and both sexes were required by statute to attend provided for 
school during certain years. As early as 1619 Weimar girls ' 
first insisted that all children, boys and girls alike, 
should be compelled to attend school from the sixth 
to the twelfth year ; and when Duke Ernst adopted his 
system, he required every child in Gotha to enter at five 
and stay in school until he was well versed in religion 
and the rudiments. In spite of the decimation of popu- 
lation and the terrible havoc upon finance and education 
wrought by the Thirty Years' War (1618-1648), the 
institution of universal education continued its advance, 
and by the end of the eighteenth century practically 
every village throughout the German states had its 
Volksschulen. These institutions were under the direc- 
tion of the pastor of each parish, and while actual 
conditions may often have been somewhat below the 
statutory level, every child not studying at a secondary 
school was in theory obliged, between the ages of 
six and thirteen, to attend one of these schools of the 

School Systems in Holland, Scotland, and the Ameri- 
can Colonies. But Germany was not the only country 
to feel the effect of the Reformation upon the founda- Through the 
tion of elementary schools. Under the auspices of the D^every 
Dutch Protestant movement, Holland made early pro- parish in 
vision for instruction in religion, reading, and writing. ^furnish 1 ** 1 
Notwithstanding the terrible persecutions of Spain and universal 
the Duke of Alva (1567-1573), this effort at universal g!? 
training continued, and just as the Thirty Years' War The Scotch 
began, the Synod of Dort, by a combination with the 
State authorities, required every parish to furnish elemen- lar require- 
tary education for all. Similarly, as an outcome of the 
Reformation and the work of John Knox, it has been in the 



early estab- 
lished ele- 

The second- 
ary schools 
in the various 

seen 1 that Scotland also started elementary schools in 
the parishes. By 1616 a decree of the Privy Council 
compelled each parish to maintain a school, and this act 
was ratified by the Scotch parliament in 1633. A further 
step was taken in 1646, when the parliament enacted 
that there be " a Schoole founded, and a Schoole master 
appointed in every Parish," and further provided that if 
the parish should fail in this duty, the presbytery should 
have power to establish the school and compel the par- 
ish to maintain it. Half a century later this school 
system was given over more to the control of the State, 
but even then much of the old connection with the 
Church was apparent. Again, although England did 
not generally establish elementary schools after the 
breach with Rome, her colonies in America, through 
the schools required by the Dutch of their trading com- 
panies, and through the Puritans, who had absorbed Cal- 
vinist principles, almost from the first provided elemen- 
tary education. During the seventeenth century the 
various colonies provided for a general system not only 
of ' grammar ' schools, as shown in the last chapter, but 
also for instruction in the elements. This provision was 
made compulsory in 1647 by the famous act of the 
General Court of Massachusetts already mentioned, 2 
which, after a most pious preamble, " ordered yt every 
towneship in this iurisdiction, after ye Lord hath in- 
creased you to ye number of 50 householders, shall then 
forthwith appoint one within their tounc to teach all 
such children as shall resort to him to write and reade." 
Connecticut followed the example three years later, and 
before the close of the century, similar action was taken 
by New Hampshire, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and other 

The Effect of Protestantism upon the Secondary Schools. 
While the increase in elementary instruction under 
civil control was the most important educational out- 
come of the Reformation the effect of the movement 

1 See p. 194. 

2 See p. 174. 


was also evident in the secondary schools, whose ideals came under 

had been largely fixed by humanism. As the Reforma- 

tion advanced, the Latin schools and Gymnasien of authorities 

Germany, like the Fiirstenschiilen, came under the con- Protestant 
trol of the princes and the State rather than the Church, clergy. 
and gradually became the backbone of the state school 
systems. Luther's Letter suggested the establishment 
of secondary schools, 1 as well as elementary, under the 
management of the civil authorities, and there was a 
speedy response not only in such cases as Eisleben and 
the cities under the influence of Bugenhagen, Trotzen- 
dorf, Neander, and Sturm, but in the provision made 
by the various school systems, already mentioned. The 
religious spirit, however, remained, and the direct man- 
agement of education was simply transferred to Protes- 
tant ministers or leaders. The schools were still taught 
and inspected by representatives of the Church. The 
change came in the form of organization and the per- 
sonnel of the administration. In England there was a 
similar transfer of management to the Protestant clergy. 
None of the grammar schools was outside ecclesiastical 
control, for, while these secondary institutions were not 
financed by the Church, their existence had to be author- 
ized, and their teachers licensed by the bishop, and under 
whatever auspices they were organized, they were at 
any time liable to visitation from ecclesiastical authority. 
The one marked difference was that the Anglican 
Church had taken the place of the Roman, for the gram- 
mar schools were never organized, like the Gymnasien, 
into a system. Each school remained independent of 
the rest and of any national combination, under the close 
corporation established by Henry VIII or Edward VI, 
or by some wealthy founder. The Calvinistic colleges, 
being located for the most part in Catholic countries, 
were also not united into a national system, although 
their management was in each case in the hands of the 
Huguenots or other Calvinists. In Germany, however, 

1 See p. 184. 



where the colleges approached the Furstenschulen in 
character, they were absorbed into the system of Gym- 
nasien. Again, the Scotch parish schools, while intended 
primarily for elementary education, often gave second- 
ary instruction and fitted for higher work, especially as 
their teachers were usually university graduates. 1 Finally, 
the Puritans that had fled to America, since they were 
also Calvinists in their turn of mind, sought, as we saw 
in the previous chapter, 2 to vest the establishment and 
control of the grammar schools they had inherited from 
the mother country in the authorities of the state and 
the several towns. 

The Organization of the Universities. The universi- 
ties, too, in Protestant countries, while remaining reli- 
gious and Christian in spirit, in many instances during 
the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries withdrew from 
the control of Church and pope, and came under the 
State and temporal powers. Although still supported 
by the old foundations of monastic days, the German 
universities, together with the rest of the state, often 
followed the prince when he changed from the old creed 
to the new. Wittenberg, through its connection with 
Luther and Melanchthon, was the first German univer- 
sity to become Protestant, and the others, such as Mar- 
burg, Konigsberg, Jena, Helmstadt, and Dorpat followed 
rapidly. Sometimes new Protestant universities, as in 
the case of Altdorf and Strasburg, were developed from 
the Gymnasien. The English universities, Oxford and 
Cambridge, went over to Protestantism with the national 
church. A few new colleges and regius professorships 3 
were founded by Henry VIII and Edward VI, and 
additional support was later given by the State and the 
Church of England. In America, too, Harvard and 
other early colleges were closely connected with the 
various commonwealths and the Calvinistic or the Angli- 
can communions. 

The Studies of the Curricula. Such was the effect of 
the Reformation upon the organization of education, 
1 See pp. 194 and 199 f. 2 See pp. 173 f. 8 See p. 164. 


elementary, secondary, and higher. Similarly, the 
course of study in the various Protestant institutions was, 
as might be expected, largely shaped by the political 
and ecclesiastical events of the times. In the elemen- 
tary schools the curricula were primarily religious, and 
the staple subjects included, beside reading, writing, and 
some rude arithmetic, the Scriptures, the Lord's Prayer, 
the Ten Commandments, the Lutheran, Calvinist, or 
Anglican creed and catechism, and the hymns and sacred 
songs of the Protestant churches. The secondary schools 
and universities were, from their connection with the 
Renaissance in the North, largely humanistic and reli- 
gious in their courses. Latin, Greek, and Hebrew were 
taught chiefly, that it might be possible to read the Bible 
and the Church Fathers in the original, and thus form 
a check upon the traditional interpretations, while in- 
struction in the Latin catechism, creed, and prayer-book 
was given for the sake of success in theological conten- 
tions. Likewise, in the universities there were courses 
upon dialectic, mathematics, rhetoric, philosophy, and 
theology that would furnish a training in definition, 
argumentation, and forceful discussion with ecclesiastical 

The Lapse into Formalism in Content and Method. 
There was, however, always a tendency to lose sight 
of the real purpose of linguistic and religious studies, 
and to esteem these subjects as material for discipline 
rather than because of the value of their content. Thus 
the studies largely became an end in themselves and 
were deprived of almost all their vitality and strength. 
The curriculum of the institutions became fixed and 
stereotyped in nature, and education lapsed into a for- 
malism but little superior to that of the mediaeval scho- 
lastics. As in the later humanistic training, the methods 
of teaching came to stress the memory and logical 
activity. Hence, while the Protestants had nominally 
broken with tradition and resorted to reason as a guide, 
such a conception of the curriculum and of method nec- 
essarily tended to emphasize the importance of authority 

The cur- 
ricula were 
religious and 

but educa- 
tion soon 
lapsed into a 
but little su- 
perior to that 
of scholasti- 



As the 
they refused 
liberty of 
to others, 
and reacted 
from the 
ism of the 
and Refor- . 

and the repression of the individual. The management 
and instruction of the schools, too, remained generally 
in the hands of the clergy, although these authorities 
were now Protestants instead of Catholics. 

The Distrust of Reason and Individualism. In this 
way, as the Protestant cause came to have a foundation 
of its own, the vitalizing tendency to rely upon reason 
rather than dogma hardened into a fresh distrust of ra- 
tionality and individualism. Liberty of conscience was 
insisted upon during their revolt by Protestant leaders, 
but when once they met with some measure of success 
they felt it impossible to grant the same right to others 
that differed from them. While making his fight 
against the pope, Luther declared "that reason is the 
chief of all things, and among all that belongs to this 
life, the best, yea, a something divine," and even earlier 
he insisted that "surely what is contrary to reason is 
more contrary to God"; but when his position had be- 
come well established, he swung to the opposite extreme 
and held that " the more subtle and acute reason is, the 
more poisonous a beast it is, with many dragons' heads ; 
it is against God and all his works." Hence he held 
that Zwingli's rational view of the eucharist placed him 
outside the pale of Christianity. 1 Henry VIII similarly 
took pride in presiding at the trial of one who held to 
this interpretation of Zwingli's, and argued in behalf of 
his death at the stake. In the same way, Calvin did 
actually sanction the burning of Servetus 2 for heresy, 
and this action was approved by Melanchthon, while 
Knox declared it a "pious and memorable example to all 

Apparently all the other Protestant reformers were 
similarly inoculated with the spirit of the age, and bade 
farewell to ' reason ' when their own doctrines and opin- 
ions were once well fixed. So various creeds were 
established as authoritative, and were enforced by the 

1 See p. 190. 

2 See Complaint against Servetus in Whitcomb, Ptriod of ike Later 
Reformation, II, pp. 12-16. 


governments, wherever they were adopted. An im- 
proved statement of doctrine was regarded as the most 
important feature of religion, and the possibility of a 
religious life for others under any formulation than 
one's own was emphatically denied. The various Prot- 
estant sects became as intolerant of any opposing doc- 
trine as ever Mother Church had been. The standard 
for estimating religion came to be theological formula- 
tions rather than life and conduct. 

Under these conditions there was about as little liber- 
ality in the Protestant education as in that it sought to 
supplant. The schools of the reformers strove to propa- 
gate their new types of Christianity with little regard for 
open-mindedness and the search for truth. During the 
latter half of the sixteenth and the first half of the seven- 
teenth century, despite the humanistic and religious 
material of the curriculum, there was a decided tendency 
to react from the individualism of the Renaissance and 
the early part of the Reformation. The Protestant 
Reformation had largely abandoned its mission. 



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CHEYNEY, E. P. England in the Time of Wycliffe. 

JACKSON, S. M. Selections from the Writings of Zivingli. 

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(translated by Hazlitt). 

PAINTER, F. V. N. Luther on Education (contains Letter to Mayors 
and Aldermen and Sermon on Duty of Sending Children to 

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ROBINSON, J. H. Readings in European History. Vol. II, Chaps. 

ROBINSON. J. H. The Pre-Reformation Period. 

WHITCOMB, M. Period of the Later Reformation (Translations and 
Reprints, III, No. 3). II. The Geneva Reformation. 



ACTON, LORD. The Cambridge Modern History. The Reforma- 
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and XVII. 

BARNARD, H. American Journal of Pedagogy. Vols. VI, 426-432 ; 
XI, 159-164 ; XVII, 165-175; XXVIII, 1-16. 

BARNARD, H. English Pedagogy. Second Series, I-VI. 

BARNARD, H. German Teachers and Educators. VI-IX. 

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tion to Modern Thought and Knowledge (Hibbert Lectures, 
1883). Chaps. I-IV. 

CREIGHTON, M. History of the Papacy. Vol. VI, Chaps. Ill, V, 
VII, and VIII. 

DRAPER, J. W. Intellectual Development of Europe. Vol. II, 
Chaps. VI and VII. 

FISHER, G. P. The Reformation. Chaps. I-X. 

HAUSSER, L. The Period of the Reformation (translated by 
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HENDERSON, E. F. A Short History of Germany. Vol. I, Chaps. 

JACKSON, S. M. Huldreich Zwingli. 

JACOBS, H. E. Martin Luther. Bk. II. 

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KOESTLIN, J. Life of Luther. 

KURTZ, J. H. Text-book in Church History (translated by Bonv 
berger). Vol. II, pp. 32-150. 

LINDSAY, T. M. A History of the Reformation. Bks. II-V. 

MERTZ, G. K. Das Schulwesen der Deutschen Reformation. 
Chaps. I-IV. 

MCELLER, W. History of the Christian Church in the Middle Ages 
(translated by Rutherfurd). Fourth Period. 

NOHLE, E. History of the German School System (Report of the 
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HI, a). 

PAINTER, F. V. N. History of Education. Pp. 135-154. 

PAINTER, F. V. N. Luther on Education. 

PASTOR, L. History of the Popes (edited by Kerr). 

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Nos. 4, 7, and 9). 


The efforts 
of the Catho- 
lics to crush 
the Protes- 
tant heresy 
resulted in a 
number of 


The Council of Trent and the Catholic Reaction. 

Some time before Luther and the others revolted, there 
had been many reformers within the Church who wished 
to improve the character of the priesthood and purify 
its practices without changing the organization. 1 But 
this movement must have been greatly stimulated by 
the secession of the Protestants, and the Council of 
Trent was called in 1545 to rid the Church of abuses, 
as well as to repress heresy. A number of important 
reforms were made, but the spirit of the Council as a 
whole was reactionary. The chief consideration became 
a careful reaffirmation of the Catholic doctrines and ad- 
ministration, and the specific rejection of all Protestant 

Thereafter, the Catholics devoted their main efforts 
to crushing the Protestant heresy and recovering the 
ground they had lost. The result was a number of reli- 
gious wars between Catholics and Protestants. These 
usually began within a single country, but tended to 
become international. Such were the civil wars in 
France, with the massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day 
(1562-1598); the uprising of the Dutch during their 
oppression by Philip 1 1 and the ' bloody ' Duke of Alva 
and other governors (1567-1585); the disorders in Eng- 
land, culminating in the execution of Mary, Queen of 
Scots (1569-1587) and the attack of the Spanish 
Armada the next year; and finally, the ruinous series of 

1 For that reason it seems scarcely proper to refer to the Catholic at- 
tempts at reform as 'the Counter- Reformation,' thereby implying that 
this arose for the first time in response to the movements of the Protes- 
tants. See footnote I on p. 179. 




national and international conflicts known as the 'Thirty 
Years' War' (1618-1648), in which Denmark, Sweden, 
France, and Spain, as well as Germany, all played a 
part, and through which progress in Europe was put 
back a hundred years. 

Loyola and the Foundation of the Society of Jesus. 
In these reactionary movements Philip II, with his terri- 
ble Spanish Inquisition, acted only as a destructive and 
suppressive agent, but a more effective and constructive 
instrument in advancing the interests of Catholicism 
was the religious organization known as the Jesuits. 
This order had been founded by Ignatius de Loyola^ 
(1491-1556), a knight of the little Spanish kingdom of 
Navarre and a contemporary of Luther's. Loyola had 
been severely injured in the siege of Pampelona by the 
French in 1521, and while recovering in his father's 
castle he read the Lives of the Saints, and was inspired 
to do some service for God and the Church. He had at 
first gone on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, but seeing that 
little could be accomplished without an education, he 
returned, and, although already thirty-three, entered the 
grammar school at Barcelona. Later he undertook a 
university training at Alcala and Salamanca. In 1534, 
while studying still further at Paris, Loyola had per- 
suaded six 2 fellow-students to join with him in devoting 
themselves to missionary work and to maintaining the 
authority of the pope. Six years later, after considera- 
ble opposition, the new order had been recognized by 
Pope Paul III, and the Societasjesu (' Society of Jesus '), 
as it was called, 3 had entered upon its campaign of con- 
verting the heathen and combating Protestantism. Many 
privileges, in the way of founding schools, teaching, and 
lecturing publicly, were added by subsequent popes, and 

1 He was called de Loyola, from his ancestral estate, his original name 
being Don Inigo Lopez de Recalde. 

* These were the pious and scholarly Francisco de Xavier (' Francis 
Xavier'), afterward canonized, Laynez, Bobadilla, Faber, Salmeron, and 

* The members gave their brotherhood this name even before it was 
sanctioned by the pontiff. 

In this re- 
action the 
was purely 
while the 
Jesuits were 
in their aid 
to Catholi- 

Early life of 
Loyola, the 
founder of 
the Jesuits. 



The Jesuit 

ideal was to 





the world. 

The Constitu- 
tion was not 
until 1558, 
and the Ratio 
not until 

At the head 
of the organi- 
zation is the 
1 general/ 

after a varied career of nearly three centuries, the organ- 
ization is still in existence, and is worthy of careful 
study as one of the most influential institutions in the 
history of education. 

The Aim of the Jesuit Education. The Jesuits sought 
to carry on their work of strengthening the pope and 
eliminating Protestant heresies in two ways. They 
strove through missionary labors to win back Protestant 
territory to its former allegiance and extend Catholic 
organization throughout the world, and by means of 
their schools to hold their converts and educate all 
peoples to submission. Protestant education was to be 
counteracted by the establishment of equally good or 
better Catholic facilities. Their educational ideal, there- 
fore, has been to equip all youth, whether intending to 
enter the order or not, with principles and habits of life 
in harmony with morality, religion, and the teachings of 
the Catholic Church. 

The Constitutiones and the Ratio Studiorum. The out- 
line of the Jesuit organization was drafted by Loyola, with 
the assistance of Diego Laynez, the provincial of Italy, 
during the sixteen years that intervened between the 
pope's sanction of the order and the death of its founder. 
However, this Constitutiones ('Constitution') was not 
given its final revision and approval until two years later, 
under the generalship of Laynez. The Ratio atque 
Institutio Studiorum Societatis Jesu (' The Method and 
System of Studies of the Society of Jesus '), which was 
an expansion of Part Four of the Constitution and 
described the school administration in detail, .was not 
published until 1599, when Claudio Acquavivv had be- 
come the general. This Ratio Sttidiorum, therefore, 
summed up the experience of the Jesuit schools during 
fully sixty years, and was worked over and revised by 
several important commissions before being presented 
as a permanent educational system for the order. 

Military Organization of the Jesuits. In accordance 
with the Constitution, the organization of the schools 
and of the society at large has always been military in 



type. After his change of life purpose, Loyola still had 
the instincts and habits of a soldier, and did not believe 
that any system could be effective, unless, like that of 
the army, it was based upon implicit obedience to one's 
official superiors. Hence, from the first, the Jesuits 
have had a stable and uniform organization. At the 
head of the order is the general, 1 who is elected for life 
and has unlimited powers. For the order, he is as the 
pope to the entire Church, the vicar of God. " In 
him should Christ be honored as present in his per- 
son." z As the society spread, the countries that came 
under its control were divided into provinces. At the 
head of all the Jesuit interests, spiritual and educational, 
within each one of these districts is the provincial?- 
who is chosen by the general for three years. In each 
province, besides other Jesuit institutions, on the educa- 
tional side, there are various colleges, whose presiding 
officer is usually known as the rector. The rector is 
appointed for three years by the general, but is directly 
responsible and reports to the provincial. Similarly, 
within each college are prefects of studies, immediately 
subordinate to the rector, but selected by the provincial. 
Under the constant inspection of the rector and the 
prefects are the professors or preceptors? and each pro- 
fessor is assisted by one or more monitors, selected from 
the students. This series of official gradations, with its 
checks and balances, has kept the Jesuit teachers from 
any display of individualism and prevented any serious 
change in the established system since the beginning. 

The Lower and Upper Colleges of the Jesuits. The 
Jesuits never engaged in elementary education. From 
the time the Constitution was formulated, their pupils 
had to know how to read and write before being ad- 
mitted to any school. The Jesuits claimed that this 

1 The full titles are praepositus generalis and praepositus provindalis. 

2 His power and influence are so great that he has often been denomi- 
nated 'the black pope.' 

3 While these titles have varied from time to time, in general professor 
has been used in the upper classes, and praeceptor in the lower. 

with un- 
powers ; 
over each 
district is a 
' provincial; 
chosen by 
the general ; 
at the head 
of each col- 
lege is the 
' rector,' ap- 
pointed by 
the general, 
but responsi- 
ble to the 
provincial ; 
and under 
the ' rector ' 
are ' prefects,' 
' professors,' 
and ' mon- 

The Jesuit 
has consisted 
of a second- 
ary course in 
the ' studia 



and a uni- 
versity course 
in the ' studia 


The ' scho- 
lastici ' and 
the ' externi ' ; 

the ' coadju- 
tores ' and 
the ' professi.' 

was necessary because their limited number of teachers 
did not warrant their offering a training in the rudiments. 
But it is barely possible that they were shrewd enough 
to perceive how much deeper an impression could be 
made upon boys during the adolescent stage. Moreover, 
when the Jesuits began their work, the public elementary 
school was just coming to be regarded as of importance, 
and the secondary education of the humanistic type was 
everywhere dominant. In consequence, the Constitution 
limited the Jesuit educational organization to studia 
inferiora ('lower colleges'), or schools with a gymnasial 
course, and studia siiperiora ('upper colleges '), which 
were to be of university grade. 

The smaller Jesuit 'colleges,' of course, have furnished 
only the secondary work, and have been by far the more 
numerous. Boys are admitted to these lower colleges 
at from ten to fourteen years of age, and spend five or 
six years there. After finishing this secondary curricu 
lum, the student spends two years in religious prepa- 
ration before entering the higher work. During the 
university course, those who are in training for member- 
ship in the order are known as scholastici, while other 
students are ranked as externi. The full university 
course lasts seven or nine years, without counting the 
five or six years taken in the middle of it by most young 
Jesuits for teaching in the lower college. At the end of 
the university training, the students usually become 
either coadjutores spirituales ('spiritual assistants ')* or 
professi (' professed '). 2 The coadjutores spirituales, who 
make up the largest part of the order, take the three 
monastic vows of chastity, poverty, and obedience, and 
bind themselves to zealous preaching and teaching, 
especially the latter. The care of the colleges is in 
their hands. The professi take an additional oath to 
place themselves absolutely at the disposal of the pope 
and to travel continually on assigned missions, if neces- 

1 There are also coadjutores temporales, lay brothers who engage in 
secular pursuits outside of preaching and teaching. 

2 I.e. professi quattuor votorum. 



sary. They are the aristocracy, and, under the general, 
the legislative body of the order, and from their number 
only can the general and provincials be selected. Hence 
a complete Jesuit training might take from twenty-one 
to twenty-three years, counting in the years of novitiate 
and teaching, and a ' professed ' or 'coadjutor ' member 
of the order might well be thirty-five years of age before 
completing his education. 

Endowment and Administration of the Colleges. 
Loyola was intensely practical in all his arrangements 
for maintaining the work of the order. He insisted 
early that no Jesuit college should be located where 
suitable provision could not be made for buildings and 
equipment, support of the professors, and a steady at- 
tendance, or where the social and political conditions 
were unfavorable to freedom of action. These regula- 
tions were extended and made more definite by his 
successors, and the Jesuits have been widely known for 
the generous gifts and bequests that have come into 
their hands, and for their wisdom of administration. 
They have steadfastly opposed any tuition fee or any- 
thing else that might interfere with their securing the 
ablest recruits possible. Gratis accepistis, gratis date 
('freely ye have received, freely give') commanded the 
Constitution? and while in some places colleges were 
founded especially for the nobility and princes, usually 
no social distinctions have been permitted, and the poor 
and lowly born have mingled indiscriminately with the 
aristocratic and wealthy. 

The Humanistic Curriculum of the Lower Colleges. 
The course of study in the Jesuit colleges was the 
natural product of the period in which they were started. 
In the lower school the curriculum was originally of the 
humanistic and religious type, and seems to have been 
somewhat modeled after that of the Hieronymian 
schools, and may also have been influenced by the 
ideas of Sturm. 2 Their humanism, at any rate, soon 

1 Pars IV, Cap. VII, n. 3. 

2 Some have claimed that Sturm copied the Jesuit system rather than 

The Jesuit 
colleges have 
had to be 
and sup- 

Tuition is 
free and no 
social dis- 
have been 

The course 
of the lower 
colleges was 
largely lim- 
ited to speak- 
ing and writ- 
ing Cicero- 
nian Latin, 
but after 1832 
some modern 
studies were 



In the board- 
ing colleges 
and religious 
were prac- 

Suavity and 
good man- 

became of the narrower sort, and was limited largely to 
a drill in speaking and writing Ciceronian Latin. All 
study of the vernacular was forbidden, unless special 
permission was obtained from the provincial, and, ex- 
cept on a holiday, nothing but Latin could ever be 
spoken. The first three classes were devoted to a 
careful study of Latin grammar, and a little of Greek ; 
in the fourth year, under the name of humanitas, a 
number of the Greek and Latin poets and historians 
were read ; while the last class, to which two years were 
usually given, took up a rhetorical study of the classical 
authors. Only slight variations in the curriculum were 
allowed after 1599, until 1832, when there was a re- 
vision by which a little work in mathematics, the natural 
sciences, history, and geography was added. However, 
the classics remain to-day the largest element of the 
studio, inferiora, and the course is still weighted with 
formalism. 1 

Moral and Social Training. The social, moral, and 
religious training has, however, from the first been con- 
sidered very important. Boarding colleges, called 
Convictus, where the pupils could be constantly under 
the care of the Jesuit fathers, were established as early 
as the generalship of Laynez (1556-1565). In these 
institutions, Christian instruction, prayers, meditation, 
and all religious observances, such as daily mass and 
frequent confession, were in constant practice, and de- 
termined efforts were made to remove all vicious ten- 
dencies from the life of the youths. Moreover, the 
Jesuits, in spite of the formal character of their course, 
have shown themselves eminently wise and practical in 
worldly matters. Their pupils have ever been famous 
for their suavity and polished manners, and the facility 

the reverse. Probably both systems were the product of the times, and 
each affected the other. 

1 This restriction, however, is not admitted by Hughes, who claims 
in his Loyola (p. 93) : " As the new sciences came into vogue, they received 
at once the freedom of this city of intellect; and here they received it 



with which they handle Latin, once the medium of in- 
tercourse between nations. 

The Philosophical and Theological Courses in the Upper 
Colleges. The curriculum of the upper colleges or 
universities of the Jesuits has regularly offered three 
years in philosophy, followed by a theological education 
of six years. The training in ' philosophy ' now includes 
not only logic, metaphysics, psychology, ethics, and 
natural theology, but also work in algebra, geometry, 
trigonometry, analytics, calculus, and mechanics, and 
such natural sciences as physics, chemistry, geology, 
astronomy, and physiology, together with outside elec- 
tives. This philosophical course leads to the degree of 
Master of Arts, if the student passes successfully in a 
public examination upon all the subjects. After the 
course in philosophy, most of the Jesuits teach in the 
lower colleges five or six years, 1 while they are still in 
large sympathy with youth. In the ' theological ' course 
four years are devoted to a study of the Scriptures, 
Hebrew, and other Oriental languages that may throw 
light upon the Bible, together with church history, canon 
law, and electives, as well as theology proper. After 
this, there is offered a further training of two years, to 
review the work in philosophy and theology, and to 
prepare a thesis for public presentation. At the end of 
this course, the candidate for graduation defends his 
thesis and undergoes another public examination, and, 
if successful, is awarded the degree of Doctor of Divinity. 
The universities now also offer, in the place of theology, 
courses in law and medicine under faculties from out- 
side the order, and this professional work leads to the 
appropriate degrees. 

Excellence of the Jesuit Teaching. The methods of 
teaching and the splendid qualification of the instructors 
were the most distinctive features of the Jesuit colleges. 
When one considers how little attention had up to that 
time been given to the preparation of teachers, the 

1 They ordinarily begin by teaching in the first class and advance reg- 
ularly through the entire six years. 

In the upper 
there is given 
a course of 
three years 
in ' philoso- 
phy,' leading 
to the mas- 
ter's degree ; 
and a course 
in ' theology,' 
leading to the 
doctorate in 

All teachers 
had to be 



was imparted 
orally in the 
' praelectio,' 
in which was 
given first 
the general 
meaning and 
then the 
detailed ex- 

To fix the 
subject in 
the mind, 
short hours 
and brief 
lessons were 

extent to which their system of pedagogy was from the 
first developed seems most remarkable. No one could 
become a teacher in the lower colleges who had not 
passed through the philosophical course and exhibited a 
singular degree of talent, while the professors in the 
universities had to complete the theological course of 
six years. 

The 'Praelectio.' Although Jesuits have written a 
number of textbooks, instruction in the colleges, higher 
and lower, was generally imparted by the teacher orally, 
and memorized in the case of the pupils in the second- 
ary work, or taken down in lecture notes by those in 
the universities. The form of instruction was the so- 
called prcelectio^ which, in the subjects of the lower col- 
leges, meant an explanation of the passage being 
studied, or lectures upon the topic under consideration, 
in the case of the universities. This method of presenta- 
tion consisted in giving : first, the general meaning of 
the whole passage or proposition ; then, a more detailed 
explanation of the construction or the phraseology; 
next, similar thoughts or expressions in the works of 
other poets, historians, or philosophers ; fourthly, infor- 
mational comment upon the history, geography, and 
manners and customs, or other ' erudition ' concerning 
the passage ; then a study of the rhetorical figures, and 
of the propriety and rhythm of the words ; and finally, 
the moral lesson to be drawn from the passage. 

Tendency toward Memorizing. Such a method as this 
obviously implied an exceedingly careful preparation on 
the part of the teacher, and a reliance almost entirely 
upon memory by the student. In fact, the greatest 
stress was, from the very nature of the Jesuit ideals, 
placed upon memorizing, even to the exclusion of rea- 
soning. To fix the subjects firmly in the mind, short 
hours, few subjects, and brief lessons were found neces- 
sary. The lower colleges had a session of two hours 
and a half in the morning and two in the afternoon, and 
often a day's work was limited to three or four lines of 
a Latin author and was practically one continuous reci- 


tation. For this reason, too, the Ratio Studiorum in- 
sists : pluribus diebus fere singula pracepta inculcanda 
sunt ('usually each rule must be impressed for several 
days'). They hoped by means of such brief assign- 
ments to keep the health of both master and pupil at its 
maximum, and produce a concentration of attention. 
Loyola himself, in his endeavor to make up for lost time 
in his education, had grasped at too many subjects. 
Suffering thereby both in health and achievement, from 
the first he decided to limit the number of subjects and 
the length of the lessons in the Jesuit schools, and to 
organize the work with an eye to economy of effort. 

Reviews. Likewise, in the system of the Jesuits, re- and regular 
views were always systematic and frequent, and the {^each 6 
motto of the Jesuit method was repetitio mater studiorum day, week, 
(' repetition is the mother of studies '). Each day began " th> and 
with a review of the preceding day's work and closed 
with a review of the work just accomplished. Each 
week ended with a repetition of all that had been cov- 
ered in that time. The last month of every year re- 
viewed the course of the year, except in the three lowest 
classes, where the whole last half of the year was a 
repetition of the first half. 1 The students also obtained 
a complete review of the secondary course after their 
philosophical training by teaching in the studia inferiora, 
and the work in philosophy and theology was reviewed 
during the last two years of the theological course. 

Emulation as a Stimulus to Interest. So, while the 
curriculum of the Jesuit colleges was not very broad in 
scope, it was most thorough and systematic. However, 
because of the emphasis upon memorizing, it would be 
difficult to account for the amount of interest displayed 
by the pupils of the Jesuits and the pleasantness of their 
schools, were it not for some other features of their 
methods whereby an indirect interest is aroused. The 
chief element in this borrowed interest comes from emu- 

1 The brightest boys could, on that account, be advanced every half- 
year and could accomplish the work of all three grades in eighteen months. 



tiones/ ' con- 
certatio,' and 
' academiae,' 
as the means 
of obtaining 

was infre- 
quent, and 
when in- 

lation. As Ribadeneira, the friend and biographer of 
Loyola, tells us : 

" Many means are devised, and exercises employed, to stimulate 
the minds of the young, assiduous disputation, various trials of 
genius, prizes offered for excellence in talent and industry. These 
prerogatives and testimonies of virtue vehemently arouse the mind 
of the students, awake them even when sleeping, and when they are 
aroused and running on with a good will, impel them and spur them 
on faster." l 

Among the devices used to promote this rivalry was 
the appointment of the most able and responsible pupils 
as decuriones. These student officers, after reciting the 
lesson themselves to the teacher, heard the others in 
groups known as decuri& ('squads'). Besides this 
stimulus, the pupils were arranged in pairs as csmuli 
(' rivals '), whose business it was to check on the conduct 
and studies of each other, and thus keep up their interest 
and energy. In addition to this constant rivalry of 
individuals, public disputationes between two sides were 
engaged in each week. The sides were sometimes 
known as ' Rome ' and ' Carthage,' and much zest was 
shown in the work. From the lowest classes upward 
the form of ' disputation ' called concertatio was employed. 
This consisted in a debate upon the grammatical, rhe- 
torical, poetical, and historical features of the lesson. 
Usually the prefects and teachers served as judges, and 
prizes and half holidays were awarded the victorious side 
or any one who especially distinguished himself. Simi- 
larly, discussions of a higher type upon humanistic, dia- 
lectic, and philosophical subjects were conducted by the 
more brilliant students in voluntary societies known as 
academic. Poems, speeches, dialogues, and declama- 
tions all formed part of the program, and membership 
in these associations was a much coveted honor. 

Infrequency of Corporal Punishment. In this way, 
despite the ever present authority and the tremendous 
memory grind, the Jesuit schools had little occasion to 
appeal to corporal punishment or severe discipline, 

1 Bollandists, July, tome VII, nn. 376-377. 


They showed a decided advance over the harshness of flicted, it was 

their times. The pupils even in the early days were outside^ 6 

led and not driven, and the Jesuits were masters of order, and 

kindness and tact. In the sixteenth century, Bader, checkupon 

the Provincial of Upper Germany, said : bad conduct. 

" Let not the Prefects consider their authority to consist in this, 
that the students are on hand in obedience to their nod, their every 
word, or their very look ; but in this, that the boys love them, ap- 
proach them with confidence, and make their difficulties known. . . . 
The pupils should be led to see that penalties are necessary and are 
prompted by affection ; and let it be the most grievous rebuke or 
penalty for them to know that they have offended the Prefect." 

Occasionally a corrector, usually from outside the or- 
der, had to be engaged for some of the more refractory 
pupils, but even in that case punishment was never in- 
flicted for poor standing in studies, but only as a check 
upon bad conduct. 

Estimate of the Jesuit Schools. The Jesuit educa- The Jesuit 

tion, then, seems to have been in advance of that in educatlon 

11 i- Tiii was s y ste - 

most schools at the time of its foundation. It had the made and 

advantage of being organized upon a systematic and * 

thorough basis, and was administered by a set of splen- were well 

didly trained teachers through the best methods that ^'schools 

were known in that day. The schools were interesting were mterest- 

and pleasant, and were open without money and without ^L"fi 

11 i i i t i *i 11 f i, tiiiu 

price to all who had the ability and desire for that type the Jesuits 
of education. The Jesuits, too, were devoted to their to e 
duty, and were wedded to their ideals of self-denial, 
poverty, obedience, and fealty to the pope. They were 
indefatigable in their efforts to advance mankind spirit- 
ually and intellectually, and to promote the cause of 

The chief criticism that might be made of their 
schools rests in their insistence upon absolute authority 
and the consequent opposition to individuality. The 
Jesuits consistently observed the caution of the Ratio 
Studiornm : 

" Also in things which contain no danger for creed and faith, 
nobody shall introduce new questions on any important topic, nor 



But the 
Jesuits held 
to authority, 
rivalry, pas- 
sivity, and 
opposition to 

The schools 
grew tremen- 
dously and 
the world, 
and the 
trained most 
of the great 
minds of the 

an opinion, without sufficient authority or without permission of his 
superiors ; nor shall any one teach anything against the doctrines ot 
the Church Fathers and the commonly accepted system of school 
doctrines ; but everybody shall follow the approved teachers and 
the doctrines accepted and taught in Catholic academies." 

With such an ideal, it would be impossible to develop 
education in keeping with the varying spirit and de- 
mands of the times, and if progress is held to be in any 
measure dependent upon the toleration of individual- 
ism, the Jesuit system of courses, subjects, and methods 
would seem to have been too uniform and fixed. It de- 
pended very largely upon memory and appeal to inter- 
est through a system of rivalry, honors, and rewards. 
It cultivated a passive and reproductive attitude in the 
pupil, and, while there were always some scientists and 
thinkers among the Jesuits, their course of study logi- 
cally tended to discourage investigation and independence. 
The results of such an education are likely to incline 
toward the stereotyped and mechanical. 

Effects of the Jesuit Education. Nevertheless, the 
Jesuits furnished the most effective education during the 
latter half of the sixteenth, the entire seventeenth, and 
the early part of the eighteenth, centuries. The growth 
of their schools was phenomenal. When Loyola died, 
although he had at first thought of limiting the order 
to sixty members, there were already one hundred 
colleges, and the Jesuit educators had penetrated Ire- 
land, Scotland, Hindustan, Japan, China, and Abyssinia, 
as well as Europe. Under Acquaviva the number of 
colleges and universities had grown to be three hundred 
and seventy-two, and a century and a half after the 
death of Loyola, there were seven hundred and sixty- 
nine institutions spread throughout the world. The 
lowest number of students in attendance at any of these 
colleges during the seventeenth century was about three 
hundred, and in several of the larger centers there 
were between one and two thousand. Paris had nearly 
fourteen thousand at the fourteen colleges within its 
borders, and the college at Clermont is said to have run 



up to three thousand. At a modest estimate, there 
must have been some two hundred thousand students in 
the Jesuit colleges, when the education of the order was 
at its height. Hence it came about that the Jesuits 
trained most of the great minds of the times, Protestant 
as well as Catholic. The graduates of their schools 
seem to have become prominent in every important 
activity of life. Nearly three thousand noted authors in 
all countries, including such men as Tasso, Calderon, 
Corneille, Moliere, Bossuet, and Diderot, were pupils of 
the Jesuits ; and they everywhere trained men of affairs, 
like the noted general and statesman, Don Juan of 
Austria, General Tilly, Cardinal Richelieu, and the Due 
de Luxembourg, marshal of France. 

By the middle of the eighteenth century, however, the 
ideals and content of education were greatly changed, 
and the Jesuits failed to change their course so as to 
meet the new conditions. As a result, the training, being 
anachronistic, came to lack efficiency. Moreover, the 
Jesuits themselves, who had at first rejected all prefer- 
ment or influence in the Church or State, had become 
powerful and ambitious. They deteriorated into a great 
political machine, and interpreted their abbreviated motto, 
A. M. D. G., ad maiorem Dei gloriam (' for the greater 
glory of God'), as meaning the advancement of the 
Church and the interests of their own order. While it is 
not likely that they went so far as always to claim that 
"the end justifies the means," or indulged systematically 
in the other forms of casuistry of which they have been 
accused, their ethical ideals certainly became less strict. 
They S3em to have been indulgent toward many forms 
of moral abuse when committed in the interest of the 
order, and they quarreled frequently and arbitrarily 
with different bishops, governments, and universities, 
and with the Dominicans and other monastic orders. 
Finally, after they had been banished from nearly every 
country of Europe, in 1773 the pope himself, Clement 
XIV, "recognizing that the members of this society 
have not a little troubled the Christian commonwealth, 

But they 
failed to 
change the 
content of 
in keeping 
with the 
times, and 
came to lack 
and deteri- 
orated into 
a political 




and that for the welfare of Christendom, it were better 
that the order should disappear," dissolved the Society 
of Jesus. The individual members became missionaries 
or settled down individually as educators in the various 
dioceses. Forty years later the order was restored by 
Pius VII, but, owing to the development of educational 
ideals and organization, their work has never since be- 
come relatively as effective or held as important a place 
in education. 

/ One important result of the Jesuit interest in educa- 
C tion and of their care in crystallizing their ideas in in- 
to make edu- stitutions is the effect they have had upon subsequent 
of t their ?art orders in making education an integral part of their 
work. work. The Dominicans, and, in a less degree, the Fran- 

ciscans, had given some attention to education, but they 
had sought to make their influence felt through the 
existing schools and universities, and had not spread 
institutions of their own throughout the world. But 
after the foundation of the Jesuits, education of the 
diffusive sort became the rule with the orders, and was 
adopted by the Oratorians, Jansenists, Piarists, Christian 
Brothers, the Protestant Pietists, and many other reli- 
gious societies. 
The Orato- The Establishment and Results of the Oratorian Schools. 

became __ However, some of the later teaching orders organized 
order in within the Catholic Church were quite opposed in their 
France m education to the Jesuit principles of absolute authority 
and memorizing. Of these the earliest was the Oratory 
of Jesus, which held to the rationalistic philosophy of 
Descartes, and advocated the primacy of reason rather' 
than memory. It had been started in Italy 1 during the 
sixteenth century as a monastic order, though with no 
vows, beyond those of the secular priesthood, but in 
1611 an independent organization was, through Pierre 
(later Cardinal) de Beguile, effected in France, where it 
became a teaching order. Its members established a 

1 The founder was St. Philip Neri. The order took on a new life 
in England during the nineteenth century through (Cardinal) John Henry 



set of secondary schools, and devoted themselves to the 
training of parish priests/ The Oratorians, therefore, 
departed from the somewhat mechanical and ostentatious 
training of the Jesuits, and were much nearer the deeper 
education of the Port Royalists, to whom they became 
very friendly. Their course permitted a greater liberty 
and latitude on the theological side than did that of the 
Jesuits, and they emphasized the vernacular, modern 
languages, history, geography, natural sciences, and 
philosophy. In consequence of the interest aroused in 
this subject matter, the Oratorians found little need in 
their instruction of resorting to corporal punishment, 
and believed that praise, threats, and rewards furnished 
sufficient means of discipline. 

While the Oratorians naturally came under the suspi- 
cion of the Jesuits and others who held to authority and 
the traditional curriculum, they were, from the first, 
very successful in their educational work. Almost 
immediately they had a large number of schools under 
their control, including the well-known college at Juilly, 
founded in 1638. Many noted teachers also came from 
this organization. Such were Lamy, who published a 
Treatise on the Sciences in 1683, Thomassin, who, dur- 
ing the years 1681-1690, produced a series of Methods 
for the study of languages, literature, and philosophy. 
Among other members of the order were Malebranche, 
Mascaron, Massillon, Lecointe, and Lelong. When the 
Jesuits were disbanded in 1773, the Oratorians obtained 
charge of secondary education in France, and while 
they were themselves dissolved later, they were reor- 
ganized in 1852, and have always been of some impor- 
tance as an educational order. 

The Jansenists and Their Doctrines. Another teach- 
ing congregation within the Church, much more opposed 
to the principles of the Jesuits, was that known as the 
fansenists, or Gentlemen of Port Royal. The doctrines 
of this order were formulated in 1621 by Cornelius Jan- 
sen (1585-1638), a professor in the University of Louvain 
and afterward Bishop of Ypres, but were more sedu- 

They empha. 
sized the ver 
modern lan- 
sciences, and 

They had a 
number of 
under their 
control, and 
many noted 



The Jansen- 
ists adopted 
the philos- 
ophy of Des- 
cartes, but 
held to the 
natural cor- 
ruption of 

They, there- 
fore, founded 

schools ' at 
Port Royal 
and else- 
where, to 
save as many 
children as 

lously propagated throughout France by his friend, Jean 
Duvergier de Hauranne (1581-1643), more often called 
by the name of his monastery, ' Saint-Cyran.' In France, 
the Cistercian convent of Port Royal des Champs at 
Chevreuse near Versailles became known as the center 
of Jansenism. 1 While this order was bitterly condemned 
by the Jesuits and occasionally pronounced against by 
various popes, the members persisted in calling them- 
selves Catholics and for about a century succeeded in 
doing their work within the Church. They were opposed, 
however, to the prevailing doctrines of penance and 
confession, and, appealing, as Luther had, to the Scrip- 
tures and St. Augustine, they professed to be bringing 
the Church back to its original principles. Like the 
Oratorians, they had adopted the philosophy of Descartes 
and held to the development of reason. They were 
also not unlike Calvin in denying the freedom of the 
will and claiming that only a few can be saved. Hu- 
manity was regarded by them as naturally corrupt, ex- 
cept as it is properly watched and guided. Evil, they 
felt, could be eliminated only by moral and religious, 
not to say ascetic, surroundings. 

The ' Little Schools of the Port Royalists. Because 
of this harsh and rather pessimistic belief, they desired 
to increase the number of the elect by removing what 
few children they could from the temptations of the 
world and suitably preparing them to resist the assaults 
of the devil. In 1643 they started a school on this basis 
in the convent at Port Royal, which had been vacated 
by the nuns, and similar institutions quickly sprang up 
in the vicinity and then spread through Paris. With 
the idea of carrying out their purpose of careful over- 
sight, these schools usually took only twenty to twenty- 
five pupils, and each master had under him five or six 
boys whom he never allowed out of his immediate su- 

1 This was partly due to the influence of its abbess, Mere Angelique, 
who was a sister of Antoine Arnauld, professor of theology at the Sor- 
bonne and an ardent Jansenist, and partly to Saint-Cyran himself, who was 
spiritual adviser to the Cistercian nuns of Port Royal. 



pervision day or night. 1 For this reason, and in order 
that they might not seem to be competing with the uni- 
versities, as the Jesuits were, the Port Royalists called 
their institutions petite s holes (' little schools '). They 
took in children at nine or ten, before they could be 
seriously contaminated, and usually kept them through 
the impressionable period of adolescence. From the 
beginning, however, Saint-Cyran made it understood : 

" If the children turned out intractable and unwilling to submit 
to the discipline under which I wished them to live in this house, it 
should be in my power to dismiss them without those from whom I 
had received them bearing me any ill-will for it." 

The Port Royal Curriculum and Texts. Since the 
Port Royalists held that character was of more impor- 
tance than knowledge, and reason was to be developed 
rather than memory, these ' little schools ' sought to 
impart an education that should be sound and lasting 
rather than brilliant and superficial. Unlike the Jesuits 
and other educators of the times, they did not start the 
children with Latin, but with the vernacular, since this 
was within their comprehension. As, however, French 
contained no literature suitable to pupils of an early age, 
translations of Latin works, after proper modification 
and editing, were put in the hands of the children. 
The pupils read versions of the Fables of Phasdrus, the 
Comedies of Terence, and the Letters of Cicero, and thus 
obtained a pleasant introduction to literature. As soon 
as they possessed a feeling for good works and desired 
to read them, they began the study of Latin through a 
minimum grammar written in French, and soon took 
up the Latin authors themselves, rendering them into 
the vernacular. Greek literature was treated in similar 
fashion. In order that the reason might be trained, the 
older pupils were also taught logic and geometry. The 
course of study, however, was mostly literary, and had 

1 In discussing the origin of the first ' little school,' Saint-Cyran tells 
us : "I only intended to build it for six children, whom I would have 
chosen throughout the city of Paris, as it might please God that I should 
meet with them." 

rather than 
memory, was 
they began 
with the ver- 
and taught 
Latin and 
through the 
medium of 
French, and 
used logic 
to train the 



The Port 
Royal Gram- 
mar, the Port 
Royal Logic, 
and the 
Elements of 

Reading was 
taught pho- 

no regard for science or original investigation. It paid 
little attention to physical training. Port Royal sought 
to present the education of the past most effectively, but 
did not see beyond it. The textbooks of the ' little 
schools ' seem to have been largely written by Antoine 
Arnauld ( 1 612-1 694). J The Port Royal Grammar was 
produced by him with the aid of Claude Lancelot (1615- 
1695), while Pierre Nicole {162 5- 1695) collaborated with 
him on the Port Royal Logic, which was for the most 
part a polemic in favor of Descartes' principles against 
the scholastic type of philosophy. He also wrote an 
Elements of Geometry, which so pleased Blaise Pascal 
(1623-1662) that he abandoned a similar work of his 

The Phonetic Method, the Neglect of Emulation, and 
the Spirit of Piety. The methods of the Port Royal 
schools introduced innovations as striking as their cur- 
riculum. They departed from the usual plan of teach- 
ing their pupils to read by means of the alphabet and 
spelling, and declared : 

" It seems, then, that the most natural way would be, that those 
who are teaching to read should, at first, only teach the children to 
know their letters by their value in pronunciation ; and that thus, to 
teach to read in Latin, for example, they should give the same name 
e to simple e, ae, and oe, because they are pronounced in the same 
way ; and the same to / and y ; and also to o and au, as they are 
now pronounced in France. Let the consonants also only be named 
by their natural sound, simply adding e mute, which is necessary in 
order to pronounce them. Let those which have several sounds, as 
c, g, t, and s, be named by the most natural and usual sound. And 
then they would be taught to pronounce separately, and without 
spelling, the syllables, ce, ci,ge, tia, tie, and tii. These are the most 
general observations on this new method of teaching to read." 

This idea had been originated by Pascal and intro- 
duced at Port Royal through his younger sister, Jacque- 
line, who was in charge of the girls there. It was included 
by Arnauld and Lancelot in their grammar, from which 
the quotation above is taken. 

Quite as revolutionary as this phonetic method in 

1 See footnote on p. 224. 



reading was the refusal of the Port Royalists to permit 
the use of emulation and prizes in their schools. They 
rightly claimed that such an interest is extrinsic, and 
that the only true rival of any pupil is his own higher 
self, but their exclusion of rivalry resulted, on the whole, 
in indifference, and lagging attention. They were never 
able to secure the energy, earnestness, and pleasing 
environment of the Jesuit colleges. They did, however, 
succeed in inculcating a general spirit of piety without 
the formal teaching of either doctrine or morals. They 
held that piety comes rather through atmosphere and 
surroundings than by direct instruction. Saint-Cyran 
thought no pains too great to secure pious and fitting 
teachers, and when obtained, he enjoined them "to 
speak little, put up with much, pray still more." 

The Closing of the 'Little Schools.' The 'little 
schools ' of the Port Royalists were allowed to exist but 
for a brief while. The first one was not opened until 1643, 
and by 1661 they were all closed by the order of Louis 
XIV through the influence of the Jesuits. 1 But this 
victory of the Jesuits cost them more dearly than any 
defeat they ever sustained. Not only did it lose them 
sympathy, but it gave the Jansenists occasion and oppor- 
tunity to issue tracts against Jesuitism that have given 
it unpleasant notoriety ever since. The Lettres Provin- 
ciates (' Provincial Letters ') and the Pens/es (' Thoughts ') 
of Pascal have proved the most terrible arraignment 
the Jesuits have ever received. 

While the Gentlemen of Port Royal were thus forced 
to cease their formal work as schoolmasters, they be- 
came educators in a larger sense, and produced a great 
variety of writings upon their system of thought and 
training. Besides the textbooks already mentioned, 
Arnauld published the Regulation of Studies in the 
Humanities, which describes the literary instruction of 
the Port Royalists after some modification as the result 
of experience. Lancelot also published his Methods for 

1 See Cadet, Port Royal Education, pp. 58 ff., for a discussion of the 
jealousy of the Jesuits. 

No rivalry 
was per- 
mitted, and 
the schools 
lacked the 
and pleasant- 
ness of the 

Piety was 
without be- 
ing formally 

The Jesuits 
Louis XIV to 
close the 
Port Royalist 
schools, and 
fell into great 

The Port 
then became 
educators in 
a wider sense, 
and wrote 
many trea- 
tises upon 



Rollin and 
his Treatise 
on Studies. 

' Catechism ' 
schools, the 
Piarists, and 
the Brethren 
of St. Charles. 

the study of language, literature, and philosophy ; and 
Nicole, by whose works Madame de Sevign6 was so 
largely influenced, contributed The Education of a 
Prince. Varet wrote a work on Christian Education. 
Coustel produced his Rules for the Education of Chil- 
dren, and many other Jansenists of the time published 
treatises embodying the Port Royal education. The 
Jansenistic principles were also applied to the education 
of women by Jacqtieline Pascal, who had written out 
The Regulations for the Girls' School at Port Royal. 
Later on Charles Rollin (1661-1741), who had twice 
been rector of r the University of Paris, summarized in 
his Traite" des Etudes (? Treatise on Studies') the reforms 
that had been wrought in the university and the lower 
schools through replacing the formal and dogmatic edu- 
cation of the Jesuits with the Jansenistic methods and 
rational philosophy. Thus, although their schools had 
to be abandoned, the Port Royalists continued to teach 
by means of messages to the people at large, and their 
new ideas upon classical and literary education have 
affected France and many other countries ever since 
that time. 

La Salle and the Christian Brethren. The Jansenists 
and Oratorians were, however, like the Jesuits, engrossed 
with secondary and higher education, and gave little 
heed to the education of all the people in the rudiments. 
The Protestants, it has been seen, began early to be 
interested in universal elementary education, and during 
the seventeenth century many Protestant countries es- 
tablished systems of elementary schools. 1 But not much 
was undertaken by the Catholics until toward the close 
of the century, although a few attempts were made be- 
fore this. There were ' catechism ' schools founded at 
the churches ; the Council of Trent indorsed them, and 
the great Jesuit, Canisius, wrote a manual for their 
especial use. More noteworthy was the organization 
started by the order known as Patres Piarum Scholarum 
('Fathers of the Pious Schools'), or Piarists, which was 
1 See pp. 197-200. 


founded at Rome in 1617 by Jose" Calasanzio, and 
authorized by Pope Gregory XV in 1621, for affording 
a public education in religion and the rudiments ; and 
that of the Congregation of the Brethren of St. Charles, 
organized at Lyons in 1666 by Charles De"mia for the 
elementary instruction of poor children. But, upon the 
whole, little advance was made. The few elementary 
schools that had come into existence were weakened by 
quarrels of the authorities, the teachers were often with- 
out intellect or moral fitness, and the curriculum was not 
clearly distinguished from that of the secondary schools. 
However, in 1684, Jean Baptiste de la Salle (1651-1719), 
probably influenced somewhat by the example of Demia, 
founded the Institute of the Brethren of the Christian 
Schools. 1 This order was destined, with little or no 
resources, to do almost as large a work for elementary 
education in France and other Catholic countries as the 
Jesuits did for secondary training. But owing to the 
determined opposition of the clergy, and the teachers of 
the schools already established, the Christian Brethren 
were not recognized by the pope until nearly forty years 
after their organization. 

The Religious and Repressive Aim of La Salle. La 
Salle was a priest with a delicate constitution, but an 
almost superhuman energy and consecration. 2 He had 
secured his own education only by a most heroic strug- 
gle, and turned his attention to the instruction of the 
poor with unabated zeal. He became intensely devout 
and ascetic, and made his life one of constant self-sacri- 
fice and devotion to the education of the lowly. The 
Rule of his society declared : 

"The spirit of the Institute consists in a burning zeal for the 
instruction of children, that they may be brought up in the fear and 

1 " For a name they chose that of ' Freres des Ecoles Chretiennes,' 
Brothers of Christian Schools, which was probably soon abbreviated into 
the well-known title of ' Freres Chretiens,' or Christian Brothers, so famil- 
iar to us." See Wilson, The Christian Brothers, Chap. VII. 

2 English readers will find an interesting and sympathetic account 
of La Salle's life in Wilson, op. cit. t Chaps. II-III, VI-IX, and XII- 

La Salle 
founded the 
Brethren to 
conduct ele- 



and his 
appears in 
the religious 
and repres- 
sive nature 
of his 

The type of 
school and 
seminary at 
spread to 
Paris and 

school at 
St. Yon. 

love of God, and led to preserve their innocence where they have 
not already lost it ; to keep them from sin, and to instil into their 
minds a great horror of evil, and everything that might rob them of 
their purity. In order to maintain and abide in this spirit, the 
Brothers of the Society shall labor continually by prayer, by teach- 
ing, by vigilance, and by their own good example in the school, to 
promote the salvation of the children entrusted to them by bringing 
them up in a truly Christian spirit, that is to say, according to the 
rules of the Holy Gospel." 

The religious and repressive nature of his educational 
aim was evident everywhere in his schools. There was 
scarcely a moment in .the day when some of the pupils 
were not kneeling in prayer, and mass, confession, spirit- 
ual reading, and sacred singing were also practiced at 
all hours ; 1 and both teacher and pupils were required 
always to be quiet in their actions. In order that the 
necessity of speaking might be removed as far as pos- 
sible, La Salle invented a system of signs, and in other 
ways endeavored to suppress all noise and restrain 
every evidence of freedom. This was, of course, out of 
keeping with the best possibilities for progress, but was 
a natural reaction from the noisy schools of the times. 

The Institutions of the Christian Brethren and The 
Conduct of Schools. The first school of this type was 
established by La Salle himself at Rheims in 1679, before 
the foundation of the order. A decade later, under the 
Christian Brothers, schools of this type soon spread 
through Paris and the rest of France. In 1685, in order 
to secure suitable teachers, he opened a seminary for 
schoolmasters at Rheims, and a little later also one at 
Paris, with which he connected a practice school. These 
normal schools likewise spread to different centers. In 
addition, he founded a technical school for boys at St. 
Yon, near Rouen, and another at Paris, and this type of 
instruction also increased rapidly. In all these schools 
of the Christian Brothers, tuition was free. 

1 Mrs. Wilson outlines the time-table of the school day on pages 129- 
131 of The Christian Brothers. Four hours would seem to be allotted to 
prayer and religious exercises, and probably six hours more on Sunday were 
given to Divine service and catechetical study. 



The plan of the elementary schools of the order was 
worked out during the first generation of their existence, 
and was crystallized in a system of definite rules. This 
was published in I/2O, 1 under the title of Conduite a 
Vusage des Ecoles Chrttiennes, and is usually known in 
English as the Conduct of Schools. The code was quite 
as uniform and repressive as the Ratio Studiortim of the 
Jesuits, but changes and revisions, to adapt the rules to 
the spirit of the times, have been more often allowed. 

The Curriculum, Method, and Discipline of the Ele- 
mentary Schools. The course of study in the schools 
of the Christian Brethren was generally limited to the 
rudiments. A training in religion, good manners, 2 read- 
ing, writing, and arithmetic made up the main curric- 
ulum. A little elementary Latin, however, was taught 
in the higher grades through the medium of the ver- 
nacular, as in the Port Royal schools. The technical 
schools furnished, besides, work in manual training and 
in industrial and commercial pursuits. 

From the beginning, the Christian Brothers taught 
by the ' simultaneous ' method. By this was meant the 
division of the school into classes rather than the in- 
struction of each pupil individually. This seems a per- 
fectly natural procedure now, but at that time, when 
even the Jesuit masters had each pupil recite separately, 
it was a great advance in educational economy. 

The normal schools started by La Salle also contrib- 
uted much to advancing the efficiency of teaching. For 
the first time, teachers of ability and training were made 
possible for the elementary schools. According to an 
account of the times, 3 the elementary teachers just before 
La Salle's day consisted of sextons, retired soldiers, inn- 
keepers, old-clothes men, wig-makers, masons, cooks, and 

1 La Salle must have drawn up the Conduct about 1695, but after retir- 
ing from the headship of the order, he revised it carefully, and it was 
printed for the first time the year after his death. 

2 La Salle considered a training in politeness so important for Christian 
culture, that he wrote a special manual for his schools called Les Regies de 
la Bienseance et de la Civilite Chretienne. 

3 See Victor Plessier, Histoire d'une cole Gratuite. 

Conduct of 
Schools de- 
scribes the 
plan of the 

Training in 
religion, good 
reading, writ- 
ing, and 


The ' simul- 
taneous ' 

ment in 




and repres- 
sive methods, 
and the ferule 
and rod and 

growth and 
spread of the 
schools, and 
the extension 
of their 

others who had failed in their own employment, and 
ignorance and immorality alike were characteristic of 
the class. Contrasted with such persons, it can be seen 
how superior were the teachers in La Salle's schools. 

Nevertheless, the ' simultaneous ' method soon became 
mechanical, memoriter, and repressive, and resulted in a 
lack of incentive on the part of the pupil. In conse- 
quence, interest and control had to be secured by means 
of frequent penances and severe corporal punishment. 
Reprimand was occasionally used, and even expulsion, 
although only as a last resort. The official instruments 
of correction the ferule and the rod are carefully 
described in the second part of the Conduct of Studies, 
which treats of discipline. Here also are specified the 
exact offenses that are to be punished, and the number 
of blows to be administered for each misdeed. Espio- 
nage and tale-bearing likewise had to be encouraged for 
the maintenance of order. 

The Educational Results of the Christian Brothers. 
The schools of the Christian Brothers, however, met with 
a rapid growth. By the time of La Salle's death, the num- 
ber of houses belonging to the brethren had grown to be 
twenty-seven and the membership of the society had be- 
come two hundred and seventy-four. Before the close 
of the eighteenth century, there had been a further in- 
crease to one hundred and twenty-two schools and over 
eight hundred brothers, so that facilities were furnished 
for thirty-six thousand pupils. During the nineteenth 
century, in spite of vicissitude and persecution, the 
brethren and their institutions were diffused over all the 
states of Europe and America, amid Catholics and Prot- 
estants alike, and the scope of their labors and instruc- 
tion was very greatly extended. While great changes 
in the curriculum and method of these schools have 
taken place from time to time, they are still predomi- 
nantly ascetic in their tone. There is, nevertheless, much 
to admire in the history and system of the Christian 
Brothers and in the wonderful work they have done for 
elementary education among the Catholics. 



Catholic Education of Girls. Likewise, before the 
close of the seventeenth century, some attempt was 
made by Catholic writers and educators to provide for 
the training of women, but the suggestions made were 
generally conservative and unsatisfactory. ILvenJacque- 
line Pascal (1625-1661) in her Regiilations seems to 
have been very austere and to have applied the Port 
Royal methods to the education of girls in a much less 
satisfactory way than did the writers on the training of 
boys. 1 The Letters of the Marquise de Sevigne 2 (i626- 
1696) to her daughter show that she was much inter- 
ested in education, but she formulated no definite system. 
The educational work of the Marquise de Maintenon 
(1635-1719), who bore such an intimate relation to 
Louis XIV, was likewise unfruitful. While at first 
breaking from the convent idea in the school she had 
founded at St. Cyr, and endeavoring to give a fairly 
broad and literary course, she later reverted to the as- 
cetic ideal, although it was tempered by her desire to fit 
the girls for society and motherhood, as well as for the veil. 
Her Letters and Conversations on the Education of Girls 
and her Counsels to Young Women Who Enter Society, 
however, are filled with good sense and sound pedagogy. 

The Educational Aim, Course, and Method of Fenelon. 
These works were probably produced while the mar- 
quise was under the influence of Francois Fenelon 3 
(1651-1715), who was one of the greatest theorists that 
has ever dealt with the education of women. His writ- 
ings have not only been read by Catholics of the time, 
but by persons of all sects in every age. In his De 
r Education des Filles ( ' On the Education of Girls ' ) 
Fenelon holds : 

" Women, as a rule, have still weaker and more inquisitive minds 
than men ; therefore it is not expedient to engage them in studies 

1 See p. 228. 

2 The Letters of Madame de SeVigne have been excellently translated 
and edited by Mrs. S. J. Hale (Boston, 1878). 

8 This was the name of the family estate ; Fenelon's own name was 
Francois de Salignac de la Mottt. 

methods of 
Pascal ; 

the Letters of 
Marquise de 
Sevigne ; 
and the in- 
stitution of 
Marquise de 
at St. Cyr. 

holds in his 
Education of 
Girls that 
they should 
be educated 
for real 

and that their 
should not be 



that may turn their heads. . . . Their bodies as well as their minds 
are less strong and robust than those of men. As a compensation, 
nature has given them for their portion neatness, industry, and thrift, 
in order to keep them quietly occupied in their homes. But what 
follows from this natural weakness of women ? The weaker they are, 
the more important it is to strengthen them. Have they not duties 
to fulfill, and duties, too, that lie at the foundation of all life? . . . 
We must consider, besides the good that women do if properly 
brought up, the evil they may cause in the world when they lack a 
training that inspires virtue." 

Girls should, therefore, from earliest infancy, be 
trained for real duties in a real world. Their natural 
impulses should not be altogether repressed, as in the 
convent education of the times, but only directed. He 
emphasizes the 6bjective method, and bases it upon 
the instinct of curiosity, and attempts to make study 
agreeable. All instruction, both intellectual and moral, 
he holds, should be given indirectly, and to that end, he 
believes in making use of fables and dialogues. Later, 
when he became tutor to the grandson of Louis XIV, he 
wrote collections of Fables, Dialogues des Morts ( ' Dia- 
logues of the Dead '), and his famous Aventures de Te"le"- 
maque ('Adventures of Telemachus '), and in other 
ways tried to carry his theories of informal education 
into effect. 1 

Results of FSnelon's Theories. However, Fe'nelon's 
works were in singular contrast to the constraint of the 
Catholic teaching orders and schools of the period. 
They had little influence upon the education of women 
at the time, except perhaps temporarily upon the school 
at St. Cyr. Even the Convent of New Catholics, of 
which Fenelon himself was the Superior at the time of 
producing his chief educational work, was a school for 
the education of women and girls proselyted from 
Protestantism, and was dogmatic and ascetic in character. 
In fact, Fenelon's own educational practice is in keep- 

1 Fenelon's training of this young duke of Burgundy was most suc- 
cessful. The prince has been described as " terrible from his birth, pas- 
sionate, vindictive, and even cruel by nature." Fenelon, however, 
discovered the right modes of appeal, and soon made " another man of 
him and changed such fearful faults into contrary virtues." 



ing with that of his day, and he took an active part in 
the Catholic reaction that had been begun by the Jesuits 
a century and a half before. He was a man of char- 
acter and thoroughly amiable, but he held it his duty to 
force a universal acceptance of Catholicism throughout 
France. He and Madame de Maintenon were among 
those who persuaded the king in 1685 to revoke the 
toleration that had been granted by the Edict of Nantes 
for nearly a century. Such, however, was the sentiment 
of the times that even the most liberal Catholics, like 
Madame de Sevigne, rejoiced at the establishment of 
religious unity, and Fenelon was rewarded for his loy- 
alty and zeal by appointment to the archbishopric of 

The Religious and Repressive Aim of Catholic Edu- 
cation. It is now obvious that the aim of the Catholic 
education had reverted to its old position. Its object 
became, in general, the training of youth in religious 
observances and in submission to the authority of the 
Catholic Church. To this ideal was added the purpose 
of ridding the world of the dangerous heresies of Prot- 
estantism. Reason was held, except by the Jansenists 
and Oratorians, who did not exert much influence, to be 
out of place and to be utterly unreliable as a guide in 
education and life. But the religious conception of edu- 
cation was held by the Protestants in common with the 
Catholics, and as the Protestant creeds became more 
fixed, dogmatic, and suspicious of reason, there was little 
difference in principle between the educational positions 
of the two great religious parties. 

The Organization of the Catholic Schools and Universi- 
ties. The Protestants, however, had found it wise to 
place the support and control of education in the hands 
of the princes and the State. They could no longer 
leave it, as the Catholics did, absolutely to the Church, 
which was a sort of state within the State. Owing to 
this secular control and their position on universal intel- 
ligence, the Protestants had generally established 
state school systems and held to the duty of providing 

aimed at a 
training in 
religion and 
and opposed 
reason as 
a guide. 

Few in- 
stances in 
states of 
at public 



In second- 
ary and 
higher edu- 
cation the 
was also 
to authority. 

Little atten- 
tion to the 
education of 

As a whole, 
the courses 
of study con- 
sisted mostly 
of religion 
and formal 

and requiring elementary education at public expense. 
Of this the Catholics, from their different administra- 
tion of the schools and their different conception of re- 
ligion, did not in general see the necessity, although the 
Christian Brothers and others undertook a great work in 
this direction, and Duke Albrecht V of Bavaria actually 
ordered throughout his state the establishment of ' Ger- 
man ' schools with instruction in reading, writing, and 
the Catholic creed. 

In secondary and higher education the Jesuits fur- 
nished the most thorough and well-organized schools for 
all countries, but here, too, the subordination of the in- 
dividual to authority and the Church was insisted upon. 
The same attitude was taken in Germany and elsewhere 
by the universities that remained loyal to Catholicism 
and in the few new Catholic universities that were 
founded at this time. 

As compared with the Protestants, little was done by 
the Catholics for any stage of the education of women. 
Notwithstanding the excellent theories of Fe"nelon and 
the practical efforts of Jacqueline Pascal and Madame 
de Maintenon, the training of girls remained of the aus- 
tere type of the convent, and did not give attention to 
much beyond the forms of religion. 

The Curricula. The course of study in the Catholic 
institutions was the logical product of their ideals and 
organization, and of the times. While the schools of 
the Christian Brothers trained their pupils in the rudi- 
ments, as well as in religion, and the Oratorians and the 
Port Royalists somewhat emphasized the vernacular 
studies, history, and philosophy, yet, upon the whole, 
the content of education was largely religion and human- 
ism of the most formal type. In this respect, the Jesuits, 
like the Protestant Sturm, had a tremendous influence 
upon the schools of Europe and America for two centu- 
ries, and it has been an open question as to which of the 
two was the more important factor in this coloring of 
the curricula. 

The Teachers and Methods. While the Jesuits and 



the Christian Brothers were the first educators in history 
to undertake the training of teachers, and their work 
was most thoroughly done, both orders tended to preserve 
the most formal and stereotyped methods. In spite of 
the example of the Port Royalists, they emphasized 
memory at the expense of reason, and held to complete 
imitation without any allowance for individuality or 
originality. They insisted upon the importance of tra- 
dition and authority, although, like the Protestants, they 
endeavored to cultivate controversial skill. In all in- 
stances, as a matter of course, the teachers were of the 
Catholic clergy and usually from the regular teaching 

Results of Education during the Reformation. Hence, 
except for launching the idea of civil support and control, 
the Reformation accomplished but little directly making 
for individualism and progress either through the Prot- 
estant revolts or the Catholic awakening. Education 
fell back before long into the grooves of formalism, 
repression, and distrust of reason. There resulted a 
tendency to test life and the educational preparation for 
living by a formulation of belief almost as much as in 
the days of scholasticism. A new measure for realizing 
individualism and freedom from the bondage of tradition, 
and an opportunity to investigate and search for truth, 
were needed. Such a further fulfillment of the spirit of 
the awakening was to be found in the parallel and later 
educational movement now usually known as realism. 

rather than 
reason, and 
skill culti- 

The teachers 
were usually 
from the 

The Refor- 
mation ac- 
little for 
ism and 



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FISHER, G. P. The Reformation. Chap. XI. 
GRIESINGER, T. The Jesuits. 

GUILLAUME, L. Les Jesuites et les Classiques Chritiens. 
HUGHES, T. Loyola and the Educational System of the Jesuits. 
LAURIE, S. S. Educational Opinion from the Renaissance. Chap. 


LINDSAY, T. M. A History of the Reformation. Bk. VI. 
MAGEVNEY, E. The Jesuits as Educators. 
MERTZ, G. K. Die Piidagogik der Jesuiten. 
MUNROE, J. P. The Educational Ideal. Chap. VI. 
NOHLE, E. History of the German School System. (Report of the 

U. S. Commissioner of Education, 1897-1898, pp. 29-39.) 
QUICK, R. H. Educational Reformers. Chaps. IV and XI. 
RAVELET, A. Blessed J. B. de la Salle. 
RUSSELL, J. E. German Higher Schools. Pp. 36-41, 50-58, and 


SAINTE-BEUVE, C. A. Port Royal. 

SCHWICKERATH, R. Jesuit Education. 

SYMONDS, J. A. Renaissance in Italy. The Catholic Reaction, 

Vol. I. 

TOLLEMACHE, M. French Jansenists. 
WARD, A. W. The Counter-Reformation. 
WILSON, MRS. R. F. The Christian Brothers. 


While the 
and the 
were harden- 
ing into 
formalism, a 
new means 
of expression 
was found in 
' realism.' 

This move- 
ment im- 
plied a 
method by 
which ' real ' 
things may 
be known, 


The Relation of Realism to the Renaissance and the 
Reformation. From what has preceded, it will readily 
appear that the movement of the seventeenth century 
called realism was an outgrowth of the same underlying 
forces as the humanistic awakening of the fifteenth and 
sixteenth centuries, and the social and religious reforma- 
tion of the sixteenth and seventeenth. In the last four 
chapters we have noted how, through literary and aes- 
thetic means, the intellectual quickening in Italy issued 
in individual development, and how later the same un- 
folding in the North came to stress " the infinite value 
of each human soul," and the importance of every indi- 
vidual's judging for himself in religious and theological 
matters. Now it was while the movement of the Ren- 
aissance was everywhere losing its vitality and declin- 
ing into a narrow ' Ciceronianism,' x and the Reformation 
was hardening once more into fixed concepts and a dog- 
matic formalism, appealing to authority and systems of 
belief, 2 that the awakened intellect of Europe tended, 
through the channel of ' realism,' to find still another 
mode of expression. The process of emancipating the 
individual from tradition and repressive authority had 
not altogether ceased, but had simply varied its form of 

The Nature of Realism. This new movement of real- 
ism also held to the reliability of the individual judgment. 
It implied a search for a method by which real things 
may be known, and held that real knowledge comes 
through the reason or through the senses rather than 

1 See pp. 135-137 and 176. 

2 See pp. 204 f. and 237. 



through memory and reliance upon tradition. 1 The 
most distinct form of realism interpreted ' real things ' 
as individual objects, and was an application of the new 
spirit and methods of the awakening to investigation in 
the natural sciences. 2 In fact, ' realism ' in its strictest 
connotation might well be denominated the ' early scien- 
tific ' movement. 3 This would, however, seem to limit 
the term to the later and more definite development that 
it reached in what has been called ' real ' or ' sense' 
realism, and to obscure its origin and its close connec- 
tion with the Renaissance and Reformation as part of 
the same freeing of the human intellect from the bonds 
of dogma. And while 'sense' realism cannot be said 
to appear as a distinct movement until the formulation 
of the scientific method by Bacon early in the seven- 
teenth century, its roots run back into the other move- 
ments of the awakening for at least a century before 
that time. Even in the humanistic movement, although 
there is not much evidence of interest in objects as the 
true realities, there seems to be a tendency to break 
from a restriction to words and set forms and an effort 
to seek for the ideas, or ' real things,' back of the written 
words. It was such a broad type of humanism, of course, 
that marked the Renaissance in the first place, and it 
was not until the sixteenth century that it tended to 
harden into a formalism. But during the period of 
decline there is also a clearly marked effort to return 

1 Philosophically, this position has been known as ' rationalism ' when, 
as with Descartes and his school, it was held that whatever appears clearly 
and distinctly is true, or as ' empiricism ' when the reliability of the indi- 
vidual was transferred to sense experience, as in the case of Locke and 

2 The movement is, therefore, almost the opposite of scholastic ' real- 
ism' (see pp. 52 f.) in the Middle Ages, and should not be confused with it. 
In each case, the significance depends upon what is to be considered the 
'real' thing, ideas or individual objects. 

8 With this interpretation in mind, Browning {Educational Theories, 
Chapters III-VII) divides educational thinkers into three classes, ' human- 
ists,' who wish to educate by means of the classics; 'realists,' who would 
use the works of nature ; and ' naturalists,' who aim rather at a training, 
outside of schools and knowledge, for the development of character. 

and in its 
strictest con- 
might be 
called the 
' early scien- 
tific ' move- 
ment, did 
this not ob- 
scure the 
with the 
and Refor- 



The broader 
or ' human- 
istic" realism, 
and the. 
to adapt 
education to 
actual living, 
known as 
' social ' real- 
ism, together 
form a bridge 
from human- 
ism to sense 

The early 
realists used 
the classical 

to the better ideals of the earlier days and to oppose the 
artificial formulations into which humanism was crystal- 
lizing. By advocates of this broader humanism, form 
was considered of importance only as a doorway to con- 
tent, and it was hoped to make the classical literatures 
a means of studying human life, motives, and institu- 

The Earlier Realism, Verbal and Social. This broader 
humanism may, therefore, as properly be called ' verbal ' 
or ' humanistic ' realism, and may be regarded as the 
forerunner of sense realism. With its emphasis upon 
content often went the study of social and physical 
phenomena, in order to throw light upon the meaning 
of the passages under consideration. There seems also 
to have been an attempt on the part of several writers 
to adapt education to actual living in a real world and to 
prepare young people for the concrete duties of life. 
This latter phase of the renewed humanism was most 
frequently stressed in the education of young aristocrats. 
It usually involved a study of the customs, institutions, 
and languages of other countries through travel under 
the care of a tutor or residence in a foreign school. 
Such a movement has been known as 'social' realism, 
but it cannot easily be distinguished from ' verbal ' real- 
ism. While one element or the other may seem to be 
more prominent in a certain treatise, the two phases of 
education are largely bound up in each other, and both 
tendencies appear in most authors of the times. They 
seem to be but two sides of the same thing and to con- 
stitute together a natural bridge from humanism to sense 

The Earlier Realists. Hence it happens that while 
most educators continued during the sixteenth and seven- 
teenth centuries to make up the course of study from 
classical elements, the attitude, in the case of some, at 
least, was very different from what it had been. These 
reformed humanists or early realists wished to use the 
classical authors to understand life and nature through 
an appreciation of what had been the highest produc- 


tions of the human mind, and to make education a authors to 
preparation for real living. Erasmus, for example, is jj derstand 
scathing in his ironical description of Ciceronianism, and position of 
justifies grammar simply as a gateway to ideas and real Erasmus, 
things. He declares : 

" Knowledge seems to be of two kinds : that of things and that 
of words. That of words comes first, that of things is the more 
important. . . . So, then, grammar claims the first place and 
should be taught to youth in both Greek and Latin. . . . Having 
acquired the ability to speak, if not volubly, certainly with correct- 
ness, next the mind must be directed to a knowledge of things." 

Elsewhere 1 we have seen that Erasmus was vehe- 
mently opposed to wasting time upon the details of ac- 
cidence and syntax, and that he felt the main purpose 
of grammar was to unlock the content of the classics. 
Through this literature he believed that a knowledge of 
reality came, and that geography, natural history, and 
agriculture should be studied for the sake of the light Melanch . 
they throw upon it. Similarly, Melanchthon states : thon, 

" I always endeavor to introduce you to such authors as will in- 
crease your comprehension of things while they contribute toward 
enlarging your language. These two parts belong together, and 
have sworn friendship, as Horace says, so that one stands and is 
supported by the other, because no one can speak well if he does 
not understand what he wishes to say, and again knowledge is lame 
without the light of speech." 

Neander, too, ventured to question the value of the Neander, 
classics where no real knowledge was obtained, and 
recommended the study of history, geography, science, 
and music for making clear the ideas of the ancients. 2 
Elyot was also found to advocate Greek and Latin for 
their content and preparation for life, 3 and Ascham 
criticises the schools of the day for their grammatical 
grind and their neglect to bring the student into an 
understanding of the authors themselves. 4 

Rabelais and His Works. More radical innovations The life of 
than any that appear in these other early realists, how- R abelais - 

1 See pp. 152 f. 8 See p. 165. 

2 See p. 189. * See p. 167. 



His Gar- 
gantua and 

a theory of 
education in 
which the 
whole man 
was to 

ever, are implied in the skits of Luther's contemporary, 
the madcap Rabelais, upon the formal classicism, and in 
his suggestions for a more rounded and valuable course 
of study. Francois Rabelais (1495-1553) was the son 
of a French innkeeper, but was educated for a career 
in the Church. His appetite for letters and science, 
together with his interest in the beautiful scenery amid 
which he was reared, led to his abandonment of the 
monastery and to entrance upon a roving existence. 
He studied medicine, but, while engaged in its practice, 
spent most of his time in producing works of scholar- 
ship, and his world-famed Gargantua and Pantagruel. 
These were the stock names for giants in the romantic 
writings of the day, and by caricaturing these stories 
he found a most effective way of appealing to the people 
of his generation and drawing attention to the current 
abuses. For the same reason, these works are indecent 
almost beyond hope of intelligent expurgation, 1 but be- 
neath all the obscene farce there runs a serious purpose. 
The Training of the Whole Man. The Gargantua 
and Pantagruel, which are continuous in plot, 2 consti- 
tute a revolt from the narrower humanism and ecclesi- 
astical abuses. They are filled with biting sarcasm 
against the monasteries and their courses of study, but 
are no more sparing in their ridicule of the Calvinistic 
and Lutheran dogmatism. But these works are not 
altogether negative, for Rabelais does endeavor also to 
construct a theory of education on broad principles. In 
his scheme the whole man is to benefit. Together with 
the intellect, the senses are to be trained ; the body, as 
well as the mind, is to be nurtured ; character and a 
religious spirit are to be developed ; and the pupil made 
competent to take his place in a world of men, and to 
perform with ease and dignity all that manhood demands. 

1 Fleury {Rabelais et Ses CEuvres) has most nearly succeeded in a disin- 
fected version. Cf. also Besant's Readings in Rabelais. 

2 The series contains five books in all, the last four of which belong to 
the Pantagruel. The third is the masterpiece, while the last two are 
much inferior and do not concern us here. 


The Informal Method of the Gargantua. To achieve 
this for Gargantua, his father, after finding the ordinary 
grammatical drill a humiliating failure, finally has the 
boy begin a course of informal training quite in contrast 
to the former plan. The Scriptures are read and ex- 
plained to him during his bath upon arising, and the 
sky is observed and its appearance compared with that 
of the evening before. While dressing he is exercised 
in a review of the previous day's work, and after break- 
fast he is read to for three hours. Then he and his 
tutor adjourn to the tennis-ground and play until they 
are in a profuse perspiration. While rubbing down and 
dressing for dinner, they repeat extracts from the les- 
sons learned earlier in the day. At the dinner-table 
they discuss the origin, history, and use of various 
comestibles, and then give thanks to God for his bounty. 
Next, Gargantua spends an hour playing cards, thereby 
learning the science of numbers, while the three hours 
following are given to writing, drawing, and lettering. 
The remnant of the afternoon is spent in out-of-door 
sports, and after the evening meal come cards, music, 
a short practical lesson on astronomy, and a review of 
the day's proceedings. 

Thus Rabelais would, by a most natural method, af- 
ford a well-rounded education. Instruction is divorced 
from formal humanism, although six hours a day is de- 
voted to books. Due attention is paid to the common 
affairs of life and to physical training, and, while no 
time is spent upon mass and daily services, expositions 
of the Bible, brief prayers at the proper times, and other 
religious lessons are given. No moment of the day is 
wasted, and no corporal punishment seems necessary. 

The Broad Education to be Secured. Gargantua' s 
education is interrupted by war, but in the Pantagruel 1 a 
letter that the giant writes his son gives a specific state- 
ment of the subjects Rabelais thought should be mastered 
under this scheme of education. He declares : 

Instead of a 
drill, the boy 
is to receive 
an informal 
training with 
a tutor. 

The pupil 15 
to learn the 
ancient lan- 
guages, his- 
tory, cosmogf 

See Bk. II, Chap. VIII. 



arithmetic " First, Greek, as Quintilian advises ; secondly, Latin ; and then, 

music, the Hebrew, because of the Holy Scriptures. Likewise, Chaldee, and 
sciences, and Arabic ; and form thy style, as to Greek, after Plato ; as to Latin, 


Rabelais was 
in advance 
of his time, 
and had little 
effect upon 
the schools 
of the 

The life and 
Essais of 

after Cicero. Let there be no history which is not firm in thy mem- 
ory, to which end cosmography will help thee. Of the liberal arts, 
I gave thee a taste of geometry, arithmetic, and music, when thou 
wast still little, no older than five or six ; pursue the rest and search 
out all the laws of astronomy." 

Besides this study of languages for the sake of the 
content, and of history, geography, and the mathematical 
subjects, Gargantua is represented as insisting upon a 
careful training in zoology, botany, geology, and religion, 
and issuing a final injunction : " In short, let me see thee 
an abyss of learning." 

The Influence of Rabelais. In the construction of 
such an educational scheme, however, Rabelais shows 
himself as extreme as in his wholesale condemnation of 
everything done in his time, and we may well take issue 
with him in regard to the amount and character of the 
studies he proposes for the curriculum, but his basal 
principle that one's entire nature should feel the bene- 
fit of education marks him as many generations in ad- 
vance of his time. His curriculum, too, while human- 
istic, is far from being of the narrow and formal sort, 
and by its study of nature helps to open the way to 
realism. It is not easy, however, to point out any direct 
effect that this broader humanism, or early realism, of 
Rabelais may have had upon the schools of the period. 
But the writings of Montaigne, Locke, Rousseau, and 
other educational theorists show the stamp of his influence. 

Montaigne and His Educational Essays. Toward the 
end of the sixteenth century and during the seventeenth, 
this tendency to interpret humanism more realistically 
and to make education a means of coming in touch with 
society, takes more definite form in such exponents as 
Montaigne in France, and Mulcaster, Milton, and Locke 
in England. Michel, Seigneur de Montaigne (1533- 
1592), as his title implies, belonged to the aristocracy, 
and assumed a more refined attitude than his bourgeois 
compatriot, Rabelais. He traveled much, wrote upon 


a variety of literary topics, and became one of the most 
brilliant prose authors the world has known. His chief 
work consists of three volumes of Essais, of which On 
Pedantry and On the Education of Children J especially 
give his educational views. 

Opposition to Formal Humanism. While Montaigne He ridicules 
is never as extreme as Rabelais, throughout these essays hjfnmnistic 
he launches ridicule and even invective against the pre- education of 
vailing narrow humanistic education, with its memorizing the times > 
of words and forms. Of this ' pedantry ' he says : 

" We only toil and labor to stuff the memory, and in the mean- 
time leave the conscience and understanding unfurnished and void. 
And like birds who fly abroad to forage for grain, and bring it home 
in their beak without tasting it themselves to feed to their young ; 
so our pedants go picking knowledge here and there out of several 
authors, and hold it at the tongue's end, only to distribute it among 
their pupils. . . . But the worst of it is, their scholars are no better 
nourished by it than themselves : it makes no deeper impression 
upon them than upon the other, but passes from hand to hand, only 
to make a show, to be tolerable company, and to tell pretty stories ; 
like a counterfeit coin, of no other use or value but as counters to 
reckon with or set up at cards." 

With such a training, Montaigne holds that it is not 
remarkable that "when the youth comes back from 
school after fifteen or sixteen years, there is nothing so 
awkward and maladroit, so unfit for company or employ- 
ment ; and all that you shall find he has obtained is that 
his Latin and Greek have made him a more conceited 
blockhead than before." 

Ideas as the Aim of Education. This is a typical and holds 
illustration of the early realist's attitude, with its protest ^remote 
against mere memorizing without understanding and important 
the failure to prepare for concrete living. From such a than word * 
point of view, unless the thought of the author is grasped 
by the pupil and has become a part of him, the classical 

1 The latter essay (Bk. I, Chap. XXV) is an expansion of a part of the 
former (Bk. I, Chap. XXIV), written for his patroness, and, as the title 
indicates, is more constructive. There are, likewise, many hints of his 
educational positions in the brief treatise On the Affection of Fathers to 
Their Children (Bk. II, Chap. VIII) and in other essays. 


education has failed of its purpose. " Let the mastei 
not only examine him about the words of his lesson," 
says Montaigne, " but also as to the sense and meaning 
of them, and let him judge of the profit he has made, 
not by the testimony of his memory, but that of his 
understanding." And he further insists : " Let but our 
pupil be well furnished with things, words will follow 
but too fast. ... I hold whoever has in his mind a clear 
and vivid idea, will express it in one way or another." 
From this it can be seen how Montaigne, like other early 
realists, uses 'things' as synonymous with 'ideas,' and 
how the broader humanism shades over into sense 

and charac- Travel the Best Means of Education. But Montaigne 
^oo'ks^and also holds that, even under the most favorable circum- 
recom'mends stances, books and the mere acquisition of knowledge 
atutor U rather are not *^ e most important things in life, and should not 
than be the final aim of education. The real purpose of all 

schools. training is to shape our character and make us useful 
and efficient. "The advantages of study are to become 
better and wiser," and it is the part of the teacher to 
inspire a love for moral living in his pupil and make 
him see " that the height and value of true virtue con- 
sists in the facility, utility, and pleasure of its exercise." 
Since virtue comes from experience and breadth of 
vision rather than from reading, Montaigne advocates 
travel 1 rather than schools as a means of education. He 
declares : 

" That we may whet and sharpen our wits by rubbing them on 
those of others, I would that a boy should be sent abroad very young. 
... I would have this the book my young gentleman should study 
with most attention ; for so many humors, so many sects, so many 
judgments, opinions, laws, and customs, teach us to judge aright of 
our own, and inform our understanding to discover its imperfection 
and natural infirmity." 

Like Rabelais, Locke, and Rousseau, Montaigne in- 
tended that this travel and the rest of education should 

1 Rabelais had previously implied this, and Milton, Comenius, Locke, 
and Rousseau afterward gave similar advice. 


be private and under the care of a tutor. This precep- 
tor, he held, should be a man of the world, one " whose 
head is well tempered rather than well filled." 

Subjects and Training to be Acquired. Montaigne's 
belief in educating for character by means of experience 
explains his idea that the chief study should be " philos- 
ophy, or at least that part which treats of man and his 
offices and duties." He even asks: "Since philosophy 
is that which instructs us to live, why is it not commu- 
nicated to children ? . . . Philosophy has discourses 
equally proper for childhood and for old age." But 
" having taught the pupil what will make him more wise 
and good," Montaigne believes that some of the tradi- 
tional subjects, logic, rhetoric, geometry, and physics, 
may be imparted, but they are of less importance. He 
even admits the need of Latin and Greek in the educa- 
tion of a gentleman, 1 although he maintains that one 
should first study his own language and those of his 
neighbors. He also stresses physical exercise and adds : 

" I would have his outward behavior and mien, and the disposition 
of his limbs formed at the same time. It is not a soul, it is not a 
body that we are training ; it is a man, and we ought not to divide 
him into two parts." 

In this respect he was followed by Locke and Rous- 
seau, who may likewise have taken from him the ' hard- 
ening process/ or the inuring of the boy to heat and 
cold, to make him hardy and vigorous. 

Advanced Methods of Teaching. Montaigne's sugges- 
tions as to method were also advanced. We have already 
seen his disapproval of the memoriter plan in vogue. 2 
Elsewhere he asserts that "to know by rote is no 
knowledge," and he recommends the more flexible 
method of " instructing him sometimes by discourse and 
sometimes by reading ; sometimes his tutor shall put the 
author himself into his hands, and sometimes only the 
marrow and substance of him." He further holds that 
" a man should not so much repeat his lesson as practice 

The chief 
study should 
be ' philoso- 
phy," but 
some tradi- 
tional sub- 
jects should 
also be 


Latin and 
learned by 

1 Locke makes a similar argument for Lattrf. See p. 258. 2 See p. 247. 



While Mon- 
the schools 
but little, 
they popu- 
larized many 

Mulcaster in 
his Positions 
and Elemen- 
tarie shatters 
the restricted 
and ap- 

it," and so recommends that Latin and Greek be learned 
by speaking them. 1 If such effective and pleasant 
methods were adopted, Montaigne believes that the 
existing discipline, " presenting nothing but rods and 
ferules," would be unnecessary, and that schools would 
no longer be 'mere prisons.' 

The Effects of Montaigne's Theories. It may not be 
possible to show the influence of Montaigne's educa- 
tional doctrines upon the schools of the times, but they 
must have been widely read and have done much to 
popularize many improvements in the content and 
methods of education. While Montaigne was not him- 
self a teacher, these confidential discourses have made a 
large contribution to educational theory and practice. 
They seem to have directly influenced Locke and Rous- 
seau, and many others through them, and it is quite 
apparent that Montaigne's practical program of studies 
led naturally into the sense realism of Bacon and 

Mulcaster's Advanced Position. In England an excel- 
lent instance of these tendencies of the earlier realism is 
seen in the advanced theories of the English school- 
master, Richard Mulcaster (1530-1611). This writer 
seems not only to have shattered the old idols of the 
restricted humanism, but to have been approaching some 
of the new constructions of sense realism. Mulcaster 
was given a classical education at Eton, Oxford, and 
Cambridge, and almost up to his death was in charge 
of one of the most famous ' grammar ' schools in Lon- 
don. From 1561 to 1586 he was headmaster of Mer- 
chant Taylors', and during the years 1596-1608 he held 
the same office at St. Paul's. Nevertheless, in both his 
great educational works, Positions (1581) and Elemen- 
tarie (1582), 2 he gives especial attention to primary 

1 This method was probably suggested to him by his own experience 
in studying with a German tutor who knew no French and had to com- 
municate with him in Latin. 

2 The full titles are Positions Wherein Those Circumstances are Ex- 
amined for the Training up of Children either for Skill in their Booke of 


training, praises English as a means of education, and 
expressly flouts authority. "It is not so," he says, "be- 
cause a writer said so, but because the truth is so." 

His Advocacy of a Natural Education. Mulcaster's 
attitude in these matters proceeds from his general 
advocacy of an education more in keeping with nature 
than was that in vogue. He states : 

" The end of education and training is to help nature to her per- 
fection, which is, when all her abilities be perfected in their habit. 
. . . Consideration and judgment must wisely mark whereunto 
Nature is either evidently given or secretly affectionate, and must 
frame an education consonant thereto." l 

He, therefore, holds that the ' ingenferate ' abilities of 
each child should be examined, that a proper education 
may be given him, and he attempts a psychological 
analysis as the basis of his philosophy of education. 
He finds that there are to be considered three main 
powers of the mind, "wit to take (or perception), 
memorie to keep, and discretion to discern (or judg- 
ment)." On the development of the last, which 
functions in morality, he lays considerable stress, in 
order that the children may " learn to discern that which 
is well from ill, good from bad, religious from profane, 
honest from dishonest, commendable from blameworthy, 
seemly from unseemly." Like Montaigne, too, he be- 
lieves in physical education and the training of the whole 
man on the ground of "the soul and body being co- 
partners in good and ill." 

His Emphasis upon Elementary Education. Like the 
other humanistic realists, Mulcaster lacks faith in the 
classical fetish of the times. Moreover, he seems to 
imply that too many are receiving a classical educa- 
tion for the good of the country or themselves, by 
asking : 

Health in their Bodie, and The Elementarie, Which Entreateth Chiefly of 
the Right Writing of the English Tung. Only the first part of the latter 
work was ever completed. 

1 When necessary for intelligibility, Mulcaster's orthography has been 

He analyzes 
the mind 
into ' wit," 
' memorie,' 
and ' discre- 
tion,' and 
a natural 


He thinks 
that too 
many receive 
a classical 
but holds 
that all 
should have 
an elemen- 


Pride in the 



1 Grammar ' 
school after 
twelve, and 
after sixteen. 

" To have so many gaping for preferment, how can it be but that 
such shifters must needs shake the very strongest pillar in that state 
where they live ? ... If that wit fall to preach which were fitter for 
the plough, and he to climb a pulpit, who is meant to scale a wall, is 
not a good carter ill lost, and a good soldier ill placed ? " 

Mulcaster holds, however, that all should have ele- 
mentary training in reading and writing English, and in 
drawing and music. Those who can go no further will 
need this training in the vernacular "for religion's sake 
and their necessary affairs," while those who are to take 
up Latin and the higher education should have it first, 
because "we are directed by nature and propertie to 
read that first which we speak first, and to care for that 
most which we ever use most." And his pride in the 
mother tongue blazes forth more clearly in his Elemen- 
tarie, where he exclaims : 

" I do not think that any language is better able to utter all argu- 
ments either with more pith or greater plainness than our English 

Higher and Other Training. This elementary educa- 
tion is to engage the pupil until he is twelve, when those 
fitted for it are to begin the ' grammar ' school. They 
will, Mulcaster believes, then acquire more in a second- 
ary education between twelve and sixteen than if they 
started Latin at seven. The university, which next fol- 
lows for those of ability, is to include "colleges for 
tongues, for mathematics, for philosophy, for teachers, 
for physicians, for lawyers, for divines." Mulcaster 
does not, however, believe foreign travel as essential to 
education, as do Montaigne, Locke, or even Milton, 
although he admits its value. But Mulcaster devotes 
much more space than Montaigne or Milton, and fully 
as much as Locke, to a description of the proper physi- 
cal training. 1 Although his account does not embody 
any peculiar doctrine, like the ' hardening process,' 2 it is 
very broad, and includes dancing, wrestling, fencing, 

1 Some two thirds of his forty-five Positions, although not much over 
one third of the actual number of pages, are included in this part of his 
work. 2 See pp. 249 and 308. 


running, leaping, swimming, riding, hunting, and shoot- 
ing, and an outline of the necessary knowledge of 
anatomy, physiology, and hygiene. 

The Education of Girls. While Mulcaster gives first 
attention to the boys, because of their greater political 
importance, he is progressive enough to "admit young 
maidens to learn," and this he defends on four grounds, 
"the custom of our country, our duty towards them, 
their natural ability, and the worthy effects of such as 
have been well trained." As in the case of their 
brothers, too, the girls are to be trained somewhat with 
reference to their ability and aim in life. They are to 
be taught reading, writing, drawing, and music, just as 
the boys are, but the study of the professions is to be 
replaced by that of housewifery. In some cases they 
may even be taught the classic and other languages. 

Improvements in Teaching. Mulcaster wishes the 
method of education to be equally in conformity with 
nature, and he insists that the pupil shall be neither 
forced nor repressed. In the matter of discipline, 
while he feels that " the rod may no more be spared in 
schools than the sword may in the princes' hand," the 
offenses that he has in mind for its administration are 
altogether those against morality. It is also of interest 
to notice the importance that Mulcaster attached to 
securing good teachers, and his insistence that elemen- 
tary work is the most difficult and that the teachers of 
this stage should have the smallest number of pupils 
and be paid more than any of the others. He wished 
also, as has been indicated, to have teachers trained in 
a separate college of the university upon the same pro- 
fessional basis as doctors, lawyers, and clergymen. 

The Results of Mulcaster's Positions. The advanced 
theories and suggestions of Mulcaster seem to have been 
but little reflected in the immediate education of the 
times. Even the schools of which he was the head 
were distinctly Latin schools, and were for the most part 
conducted upon the traditional basis. However, he must, 
through his proposed reforms in aim, organization, and 

Girls to be 
trained with 
reference to 
their ability 
and aim in 

The pupil 
should be 
forced nor 

and their 

theories had 
little effect 
at the time, 
but greatly 
the later 



method, have had a far-reaching effect upon the later 
realists and the realistic trend in modern education. In 
fact, while there is not as much direct reference to sense 
. training and a scientific content in Mulcaster's course of 
study as in even that of Rabelais and Milton, by his ad- 
vocacy of the vernacular and especially by his attempt 
at a science of education, he may be regarded as more 
nearly approaching sense realism than any other of the 
broader humanists. According to some authorities, 
Mulcaster, rather than Bacon, Ratich, or Comenius, 
should be considered the first writer to embody the genu- 
ine spirit of sense realism in his works. Some of his 
ideas, too, seem not to have been utilized until much later 
than the period of sense realism. His suggestions 
that girls should have a complete training, that the 
initial work in education is the most important and diffi- 
cult, and that teachers should be trained for every stage 
of the work, it has remained for the nineteenth and 
twentieth centuries to realize. 

Milton's Opposition to the Formal Humanism. An- 
other important illustration of the broader humanism, 
while not containing propositions as advanced as those 
of Mulcaster, is found some three quarters of a century 
later in the Tractate of Education by the great poet and 
scholar, 1 John Milton ( 1 608- 1 674). While a remarkable 
classicist himself, Milton objects to the usual humanistic 
education with its " grammatic flats and shallows where 
they stuck unreasonably to learn a few words with 
lamentable construction," and declares that the boys " do 
for the most part grow into hatred and contempt of 
learning." He claims that " we do amiss to spend seven 
or eight years in scraping together so much miserable 
Latin and Greek as might be learned otherwise easily 
and delightfully in one year." He especially stigma- 
tizes, as Locke did later, the formal work in Latin com- 
position, " forcing the empty wits of children to compose 

1 Milton's fame as the author of Paradise Lost and other poems has 
obscured the fact that he conducted a private school for nine years, and 
was an industrious scholar and an active pamphleteer during middle life. 


themes, verses, and orations, which are the acts of ripest 
judgment and the final work of a head filled by long 
reading and observing." 

An Encyclopaedic but Humanistic Program. It is not, 
however, the study of classics in itself that Milton op- 
poses, but the constant harping upon grammar without 
regard to the thought of the authors, for " though a lin- 
guist should pride himself to have all the tongues that 
Babel cleft the world into, yet if he have not studied the 
solid things 1 in them as well as the words and lexicons, he 
were nothing so much to be esteemed as any yeoman or 
tradesman competently wise in his mother dialect only." 
In this statement, as well as elsewhere, it is obvious that 
by ' things ' Milton, like Montaigne, 2 meant ideas and not 
objects. Even in his recommendation of a most ency- 
clopaedic program of studies, which is usually one of the 
marks of the sense realist, he seems to imply the human- 
istic rather than the later realism, although he wrote 
half a century after Bacon and was a younger contem- 
porary of Comenius. 3 While this curriculum includes 
large elements of science and manual training, and espe- 
cially emphasizes a knowledge of nature, it affords the 
broadest training in Latin and Greek, and, after the 
fashion of broader humanism in general, undertakes to 
teach agriculture through Latin, and natural history, 
geography, and medicine through Greek. On the whole, 
it is an education of books, and the enormous load of 
languages, Italian, Hebrew, Chaldee, and Syriac, as 
well as Latin and Greek, together with mathematics, 
sciences, and other studies, would make such a course 
impossible, except, as some one has said, for a ' college of 
Miltons.' As with some of the other humanistic realists, 
notably Montaigne, Milton also would have considerable 
time given, toward the end of the course, to the social sci- 
ences, history, ethics, politics, economics, theology, 
and to such practical training as would bring one in touch 

1 Italics mine. 2 See p. 248. 

8 The Tractate is dedicated to Samuel Hartlib, who was also the friend 
and patron of Comenius, and a welMcnown sense realist. 

and advo- 
cates ideas 
rather than 

He recom- 
mends an 
dic program, 
sciences, but 
also a broad 
training in 
Latin and 
Greek, and 
much time 
on the social 


with life. He likewise advocates the experience and 
knowledge that would come from travel in England and 

Milton's Definition of Education. Thus, in the place 
of the usual restricted conception of humanistic edu- 
cation, Milton would substitute a genuine study and 
understanding of the classical authors and a real prepa- 
ration for life. While he piously states the aim of learn- 
ing as "to repair the ruins of our first parents by 
regaining to know God aright," he is more specific later 
when he frames his famous definition : 

"I call therefore a complete and generous education that which 
fits a man to perform justly, skilfully, and magnanimously all the 
offices both private and public of peace and war." 

The Academy of Milton. The school in which Milton 
would carry out his ideal education he calls an Acad- 
emy, and states that it should be held in " a spatious 
house and ground about it, big enough to lodge one 
hundred and fifty persons." This institution should 
keep the boys from the age of twelve to twenty-one, and 
should provide both secondary and higher education, 
" not heeding a remove to any other house of scholar- 
ship, except it be some peculiar college of Law or 
Physic." And he adds: "After this pattern as many 
edifices may be converted to this use, as shall be needful 
in every city throughout this land." Strangely enough, 
as will be seen later, 1 this curriculum and organization 
of Milton's, exaggerated as they were, found a partial 
embodiment and a function in a new educational insti- 
tution. ' Academies ' based upon this general plan were 
organized to meet the exigencies of the English non- 
conformists, and afterward afforded the name and pat- 
tern of a species of secondary school that was for a time 
predominant in America. 

Early Realism in Locke's Thoughts. The broader 
or realistic humanism also appears later than Milton's 
time in John Locke (1632-1704). As will be shown 

1 See pp. 291-293. 


later, 1 Locke based most of his educational positions 
upon sense realism or upon formal discipline, but in 
Some Thoughts concerning Education, he has many ele- 
ments that remind us strongly of Montaigne, Milton, 
and Mulcaster. The resemblance to Montaigne is es- 
pecially noticeable, although he lived a century later 
than the French writer. The Thoughts embodied Locke's Locke holds 
experience as a private tutor in the family of the Earl 'B., 11 ' 5 L 

r ou r*. i- J *. c r *. i Thoughts 

of Shaftesbury, and consists of a set of practical sugges- that 
tions for the education of a gentleman, rather than a 
scholar. The recommendations, therefore, appear to be 
somewhat at variance with the underlying principles of 
Locke's philosophy and the intellectual training sug- 
gested in his other educational work, Conduct of the 

The Chief Aim of Education. Like Montaigne, Locke character is 
holds that book education and intellectual training are ? fmo f 

r 111 i importance 

of less importance than the development of character in education. 
and polish. After treating bodily education at consid- 
erable length, he states the aims of education in the 
order of their value as " Virtue, Wisdom (i.e. worldly 
wisdom), Breeding, and Learning," and later adds : 

" Learning must be had, but in the second place, as subservient 
only to greater Qualities. Seek out somebody that may know how 
discreetly to frame his Manners : Place him in Hands where you may, 
as much as possible, secure his Innocence, cherish and nurse up the 
good, and gently correct and weed out any bad Inclinations, and 
settle in him good Habits. This is the main Point, and this provided 
for, Learning may be had into the Bargain." 

Education through a Tutor and Travel. Such a train- The proper 
ing, Locke agrees with Montaigne, can be secured only * s 
through personal attention, and the young gentleman through a 
should be given a tutor when his father cannot properly {han r schools. 
look after his training. Likewise, he feels that, "to form 
a young Gentleman as he should be, 'tis fit his Governor 
should himself be well-bred, understanding the Ways of 

1 See pp. 287-289 and 306-310. 

2 The Conduct grows directly out of the philosophy of Locke, as given 
in his famous Essay concerning the Human Understanding. 



Travel at the 
right time. 

Locke is 
opposed to 
the narrow 
but thinks 
Latin neces- 
sary to a 
and should 
be taught by 

Carriage and Measures of Civility in all the Variety of 
Persons, Times, and Places; and keep his Pupil, as 
much as his Age requires, constantly to the Observation 
of them." This private training is infinitely to be pre- 
ferred, Locke holds, to that "from such a Troop of 
Play-fellows as schools usually assemble from Parents 
of all kinds." Locke also believes, with Montaigne and 
Milton, in foreign travel as a means of broad education 
and adaptation to living. He thinks, however, that it 
should not, as it usually did, come at the critical period 
between sixteen and twenty-one, but either earlier, when 
the boy is better able to learn foreign languages, or 
later, when he can intelligently observe the laws and 
customs of other countries. 

Broader Humanism and Improved Methods in Intel- 
lectual Education. Locke approaches the earlier realists 
even more closely in showing scant respect for the nar- 
row humanism and tedious methods of the grammar 
schools. He declares specifically : 

"When I consider what ado is made about a little Latin and Greek, 
how many Years are spent in it, and what a Noise and Business it 
makes to no Purpose, I can hardly forbear thinking that the Parents 
of Children still live in fear of the Schoolmaster's Rod, which they 
look on as the only Instrument of Education ; as a language or two 
to be its whole Business." 

Yet Locke agrees with Montaigne again 1 in thinking 
Latin is, after all, "absolutely necessary to a Gentle- 
man," but that " 'tis a Wonder Parents, when they have 
had the Experience in French should not think (it) ought 
to be learned the same way, by talking and reading," 2 
instead of through grammar, theme-writing, versifica- 
tion, and memorizing long passages. Greek, however, 
Locke does not regard as essential to a gentleman's 
education, although he may in manhood take it up by 

Other Acquisitions. As a further part of 'intellectual 

1 See pp. 249 f. 

2 When conversation is impossible, he recommends the use of inter- 
linear translations. 


education,' Locke holds that, " besides what is to be had 
from Study and Books, there are other Accomplishments 
necessary for a Gentleman," dancing, horseback rid- 
ing, fencing, and wrestling. The pupil should also, he 
contends, " learn a Trade, a manual Trade; nay, two or 
three, but one more particularly." This the future 
gentleman should acquire, not with the idea of ever 
engaging in it, but for the sake of health and of 
"easing the wearied Part by Change of Business." * 

Influence of Locke's Thoughts. Thus throughout the 
' intellectual education ' in his Thoughts, Locke appears 
mostly as a humanistic realist after the pattern of 
Montaigne and Milton. On the other hand, his methods 
in ' physical education ' and ' moral education ' in this 
work, and his attitude toward intellectual education in 
his Conduct of the Understanding, are largely disciplinary 
or sense realistic and can be better discussed elsewhere. 2 
The influence of the elements of humanistic realism in 
him, as in Montaigne, Mulcaster, and Milton, was not 
immediate, but appears rather in his successors among 
educational theorists and in the later organization and 
curriculum of English education. Rousseau and other 
reformers clearly owe many incidental suggestions and 
details to Locke, 3 and to him is in some measure due the 
great development of the physical and ethical sides of 
education in the public and grammar schools of Eng- 
land, together with the tendency of these institutions to 
consider such aspects of rather more importance than 
the purely intellectual. His plea for a tutor as the 
means of shaping manners and morals has also prob- 
ably had its effect upon the education of the English 

/ The Effect of the Earlier Realism. Thus there seems 
/fo have been in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries 

1 Rousseau, however, when he borrowed the suggestion, put it upon 
/ the economic ground that if the pupil lost his fortune, he would have the 
I trade to fall back upon. 2 See pp. 306-311. 

V 8 This Rousseau fully acknowledges in th^ mile, although he does not 

hesitate to criticize the English realist and to base his system on a very 

different set of underlying principles. 

riding, fenc- 
and a trade. 

As a human- 
istic realist, 
Locke influ- 
enced his 
in theory, and 
the grammar 
in practice. 

The early 
realism was 
a return to 



the broader 
and held to 
' real things,' 
or ideas, and 
to real living, 
rather than to 
words and 

Since the 
was in 
rather than 
content, it is 
difficult to 
how far the 
education of 
the day was 

a decided tendency toward a disruption of the tradition- 
alism and formalism into which humanism had crystal- 
lized. In this movement appears also an effort to bring 
education into touch with society and to make it a prepa- 
ration for real life. While this whole tendency seems to 
be a reaction to the formalized products of the Renais- 
sance, it was caused by the same awakening of the human 
intelligence from which humanism had originally sprung, 
and to a large extent advocated the same material in 
education. It was its attitude in insisting upon content 
rather than form that was so different, although this, 
too, was similar to that with which humanism had begun. 
' Real things,' or ideas, rather than words and phrases, 
and real living rather than mere memorizing, were now 
emphasized. The. movement, therefore, seems to be a 
species of return to the animating spirit and method of 
the Renaissance, and to constitute a natural bridge 
between the emphasis upon verbal forms in narrower 
humanism and that upon individual objects in sense 
realism. It was at once a species of realistic humanism 
and of humanistic realism. 

Since this change was more in the method of present- 
ing the subject matter than in the content of the course 
itself, it is difficult to determine to what extent the edu- 
cation of the day was affected. But so many theorists 
espousing the cause of the broader humanism could not 
have existed without some support from the educational 
sentiment of the times, or without having in time some 
reflex influence upon the institutions. With all the pro- 
verbial conservatism and slowness of schools, they must 
have responded somewhat to the contemporary spirit, 
and the classics were probably taught everywhere with 
more regard to the underlying thought and the bearing 
of their content upon actual life. Without this attitude 
upon the part of the schools, it would be impossible to 
account for their adoption of sense realism as a matter 
of natural evolution. 



BESANT, W. Rabelais (in Foreign Classics Series'). 

FOWLER, T. Lockers Conduct of the Understanding. 

MORRIS, E. E. Milton's Tractate of Education. 

QUICK, R. H. (Editor). Lockers Some Thoughts concerning Edu- 

QUICK, R. H. (Editor). Mulcaster^ s Positions and Elementarie. 

RECTOR, L. E. (Translator). Montaigne" 1 s Education of Children. 

URQUHART, T. (Translator). Works of Rabelais. 

WOODWARD, W. H. Erasmus concerning Education (contains 
the De Ratione and De Pueris). 


ADAMSON, J. W. Pioneers of Modern Education. Chaps. I, VII, 

X, and XIV. 
BARNARD, H. American Journal of Education. Vol. II, pp. 76-85 ; 

IV,46i-478; XIV, 147-158; XXII, 181-190; XXIII, 151-160; 

XXIV, 179-184; XXVIII, 745-748. 
BARNARD, H. English Pedagogy. Pp. 145-198. Second Series, 

pp. 177-324- 
BROOKS, P. Milton as an Educator (in Essays and Addresses, pp. 


BROWNING, O. History of Educational Theories. Chaps. V-VII. 
COMPAYRE, G. History of Pedagogy. Pp. 91-110. 
FOWLER, T. Locke (in English Men of Letters Serifs). 
FRAZER, A. C. Locke. 

HAZLITT, W. C. The Works of Montaigne. Introduction. 
LAURIE, S. S. Educational Opinion since the Renaissance. Chaps. 

V-VI, IX, and XII-XIV. 

LAURIE, S. S. Essays and Addresses. Chap. IX. 
LOWNDES, M. E. Michel de Montaigne. 
MASSON, D. The Life of Milton. Vol. Ill, pp. 186-255. 
MONROE, P. Text-book in the History of Education. Chap. VIII, 

pp. 442-461. 
MORRIS, E. E. MiUoifs Tractate of Education. Introduction. 


MUNROE, J. P. The Educational Ideal. Chaps. II and V. 
OLIPHANT, J. The Educational Writings of Richard Mulcaster. 
OWEN, J. Skeptics of the French Renaissance. Chap. I. 
QUICK, R. H. Educational Reformers. Chaps. I-II, V-VI, VIII, 


STREET, A. E. The Education of Gargantua (in Critical Sketches). 
WATSON, F. Mulcaster and Ascham. 
WOODWARD, W. H. Education during the Renaissance. Chaps. 

WOODWARD, W. H. Erasmus concerning Education. Chaps. II 



1 Sense ' 
realism was 
a reflection 
of the scien- 
tific develop- 
ment in the 
sixteenth and 
It led to new 
method, and 
texts in edu- 


The Development of Realism. But the realistic awak- 
ening did not stop with reviving the idea back of the 
word or with the endeavor to bring the pupil into touch 
with the life he was to lead. The earlier or humanistic 
realism simply represents a stage in the process of 
transition from the narrow and formal humanism to the 
movement of sense realism. This later form of realism 
was a reflection of the great scientific development of 
the latter part of the sixteenth and the first half of the 
seventeenth centuries, with its variety of discoveries and 
inventions. The first great step in this movement was 
that taken by Copernicus. Not until 1543 was his 
hypothesis of a solar system published, but as early as 
1496 there had been a dissatisfaction with the existing 
Ptolemaic interpretation, and a groping after a more 
satisfactory explanation of the universe. After Coper- 
nicus, other great discoverers rapidly arose in Italy, 
France, Holland, and England, and the spirit of the 
new movement was felt in philosophy and education. 
Many new discoveries in science and inventions were 
made, and philosophy began to base itself upon reason 
and the senses. Kepler made it possible to search the 
heavens, Galileo reorganized the science of physics, and 
an air-pump was invented by Guericke. This scientific 
progress was accompanied on the philosophic side by 
the rationalism of Descartes and the empiricism of 
Locke. The educational theorists, as a result, began to 
introduce science and a knowledge of real things into 
the curriculum. It was felt that humanism gave a 
knowledge only of words, books, and opinions, and did 
not even at its best lead to a study of real things. Hence 
new methods and new books were produced, to shorten 




the Anstote- 

lian method, 
d his 

m , ea , ns of 

which he 

and improve the study of the classical languages, and 
new content was imported into the courses of study. 
The movement also included an attempt at a formulation 
of scientific principles in education and an adaptation of 
education to the nature of the child. 

Bacon and His New Method. The new tendency, Bacon, i 
however, did not appear in education until after the 

r* n / s- x-^\ T>I r i 

time of Francis- Bacon (1561-1620). The use of the 
scientific method by the various discoverers was largely 
unconscious, and it remained for Bacon to formulate 
what he called the method of 'induction ', and, by advo- 


eating its use, to. point the way to its development as a thought ail 
scientific theory of education. He is, therefore, ordi- 
narily known as the first sense realist. According to complete 
Dr. Rawley, his biographer, Bacon, while still at the 
University of Cambridge, conceived a disgust for 
Aristotle's philosophy as it was then taught At any 
rate, it is known that even during the busiest part of 
his public career he undertook in sporadic works to- 
combat the Aristotelian method, and to form a new pro- 
cedure on the basis of the scientific discoveries of the 
day. Not until 1620, however, did he publish his great 
treatise on inductive reasoning called Novum Organum* 
('new instrument') in opposition to Aristotle's work on/ 
deduction. In behalf of his treatise Bacon argues that, 
as the hand is helpless without the right tool to aid it, so 
the human intellect is inefficient when it does not possess 
its proper instrument or method, and, in his opinion, all 
men are practically equal in attaining to complete 
knowledge and truth, if they will but use the mode of 
procedure that he describes. This new method of seek- 
knowledge he contrasts with that in vogue, as follows : 

" There are and can be only two ways of searching into and discov- 
ering truth. The one flies from the senses and particulars to the most 
general axioms, and from these principles, the truth of which it takes 
for settled and immovable, proceeds to judgment and the discovery 
of middle axioms. And this way is now in fashion. The other de- 
rives axioms from the senses and particulars, rising by a gradual and 
unbroken ascent, so that it arrives at the most general axioms last of 
all. This is the true way, but as yet untried." / 



First, how- 
ever, one 
must divest 
himself of 
certain pre- 
or ' idols.' 

And one 
must not stop 
with par- 

Hence Bacon would begin with particulars, rather 
than use the a priori reasoning of the syllogism, as 
advocated by the schoolmen under the impression that 
this was the method of Aristotle. Before, however, 
one's observations can be accurately made, Bacon felt it 
would be necessary to divest oneself of certain false 
and ill-defined notions to which humanity is liable. These 
preconceptions of which it is necessary to be rid are his 
famous 'idols,' which he declares to be of four classes: 

" Idols of the Tribe, which have their foundation in human nature 
itself; Idols of the Cave, for every one, besides the faults he shares 
with his race, has a cave or den of his own ; Idols of the Market- 
place, formed by the intercourse and association of men with each 
other ; and Idols of the Theatre, which have immigrated into men's 
minds from the various dogmas of philosophies and also from wrong 
laws of demonstration." 

Nor should the new method end with a mere collec- 
tion of particulars. This proceeding Bacon believes to 
be useless and fully as dangerous for science as to gen- 
eralize a priori, and holds that these two polar errors 
together account very largely for the ill success of 
science in the past. He declares : 

" Those who have handled sciences have been either men of ex- 
periment or men of dogmas. The men of experiment are like the 
ant ; they only collect and use : the reasoners resemble spiders ; who 
make cobwebs out of their substance. But the bee takes a middle 
course ; it gathers its material from the flowers of the garden and 
the field, but transforms and digests it by a power of its own. Not 
unlike that is the true business of philosophy ; for it neither relies 
solely or chiefly on the powers of the mind, nor does it take the 
matter which it gathers from natural history and mechanical experi- 
ments and lay it up in the memory whole, as it finds it ; but lays it 
up in the understanding altered and digested. Therefore, from a 
closer and purer league between these two faculties, the experi- 
mental and the rational (such as has never yet been made), much 
may be hoped." 

The facts In the second book of the Novum Organum Bacon 

latedamfthe begins, though he does not complete, a more definite 

forms p dis- statement of his method. Briefly stated, his plan was, 

after ridding the mind of its prepossessions, to tabulate 

carefully lists of all the facts of nature. It seemed to 



him a comparatively easy task to make, through the 
cooperation of scientific men, a complete accumulation 
of all the facts of science. After this data was secured, 
the next step would be to discover the ' forms ' of things, 
by which he means the underlying essence or law of 
each particular quality or simple nature. Such an ab- 
straction could be achieved by a process of comparing 
the cases where the quality appears and where it does 
not appear and of excluding the instances that fall under 
both heads until some ' form ' is clearly present only when 
the quality is. Then, as a proof, another list may be 
drawn up where the quality appears in different degrees 
and where the ' form ' should vary correspondingly. 

Solomon's House and the Pansophic Course. A de- 
scription of what Bacon thinks may be expected when 
this scientific method is systematically carried out can 
be found in his fable of The New Atlantis. The in- 
habitants of this mythical island are described as having 
in the course of ages created a state in which ideal sani- 
tary, economic, political, and social conditions obtained. 
The most important institution of this society is its 
' Solomon's House,' an organization in which the mem- 
bers devoted themselves to scientific research and in- 
vention, and in their supposed investigations Bacon 
anticipates much that scientists and inventors have to- 
day only just begun to realize. He represents these 
Utopian scientists as making all sorts of physical, chemi- 
cal, astronomical, medical, and engineering experiments 
and discoveries, including the artificial production of 
metals, the forcing of plants, grafting and variation of 
species, the infusion of serums, vivisection, telescopes, 
microphones, telephones, flying-machines, submarine 
boats, steam-engines, and perpetual-motion machines. 

While Bacon was not a teacher and nowhere explicitly 
states his views on education, it would seem from the 
description of ' Solomon's House ' as if this English 
philosopher must have believed that education ought to 
be organized upon the basis of society's gradually accu- 
mulating a knowledge of nature and imparting it to all 

The mem- 
bers of 'Solo- 
House ' on 
the New 
Atlantis de- 
vote them- 
selves to 

Bacon be- 
lieved that 
should have 
a similar 



pupils at every stage, as far as they could comprehend 
it. Such certainly was the plan of Ratich and Come- 
nius, who later on worked out the Baconian plans in 
education, and this dream of pansophia ('all wisdom ') 
for all schools was ardently desired by the later realists 
in general as the foundation of their educational organi- 
zation and of their course of study. 

The Value of Bacon's Method. In estimating the 
method of Bacon, it is difficult to be fair. The impor- 
tance of his work has been as much exaggerated by 
some as it has been undervalued by others. He reacted 
from the current view of Aristotle's reasoning, and, 
taking his cue from the many scientific workers of his 
time, formulated a new method in opposition to what he 
mistook as the position of the great logician. He very 
properly rejected the contemporary method of attempting 
to establish a priori the first principles of a science and 
then deduce from them by means of the syllogism all 
the propositions which that science could contain. But 
in endeavoring to create a method whereby any one 
could attain all the knowledge of which the human mind 
was capable, he undertook far too much. His effort to 
put all men on a level in reaching truth resulted in a 
most mechanical mode of procedure and neglected the 
part played by scientific imagination in the framing of 
hypotheses. Scientific method is not at present satisfied 
to hold, as Bacon did, that because all observed cases 
under certain conditions produce a particular effect, 
every other instance not yet observed will necessarily 
have the same property or effect. The modern proce- 
dure is rather that, when certain effects are observed, of 
which the cause or law is unknown, the scientist frames 
an hypothesis to account for them ; then, by the process of 
deduction, tries this on the facts that he has collected ; and 
if the hypothesis is verified, maintains that he has dis- 
covered the cause or law. Yet this is only a more explicit 
statement of what has always been implied in every pro- 
cess of reasoning. The method had certainly been used 
by the later Greek philosophers, and it, as well as the 



syllogism, had even been formulated by Aristotle, al- 
though this part of his work was not known in Bacon's 

Bacon cannot, therefore, really be said to have invented 
a new method. It is also evident that he failed to ap- 
preciate the work of Aristotle and the function of genius 
in scientific discovery. But he did largely put an end 
to the vestigial process of a priori reasoning, and he did 
call attention to the necessity of careful experimentation 
and induction. Probably no book ever made a greater 
revolution in modes of thinking or overthrew more 
prejudices than Bacon's Novum Organnm. It represents 
the culmination of the reaction that had been growing 
up through the Renaissance, the Reformation, and the 
earlier realism. 

As far as education is concerned, while not skilled or 
interested in the work himself, Bacon affected profoundly 
the writing and practice of many who were, and has 
done much to shape the spirit of modern education. 
His method was first applied directly to education by a 
German known as Ratich, and, in a more effective way, 
by Comenius, a Moravian. 

Ratich' s Attempts at School Reform. Wolfgang von 
Ratke (1571-1635), generally called Ratich from an 
abbreviation of his Latinized name, 1 was born in Wilster, 
Holstein, and first studied for the ministry at the Univer- 
sity of Rostock. Later, he continued his studies in 
England, where he probably became acquainted with the 
work of Bacon. Before long, realizing that he had an 
incurable defect in speech which would keep him from 
success in the pulpit, he decided to devote himself to 
educational reform. He planned to apply the principles 
of Bacon to the problems of education in general, but 
he intended especially to reform the methods of language 

In 1612 Ratich memorialized the imperial diet, while 
it was sitting at Frankfurt, and asked for an investiga- 
tion of his methods. Two professors from the University 

1 1.e. Ratichius. 

Ratich ap- 
plied the 
method to 
the problems 
of education, 



of Giessen were commissioned to examine his proposi 
tions, and afterward the University of Jena similarly had 
four of its staff look into the matter, and in each case a 
favorable, not to say enthusiastic, verdict was reached. 
When, however, on the strength of such reports, the 
town council of Augsburg gave him control of the schools 
of that city, he was not able to justify his claims, and 
the arrangement was abandoned at the end of a year. 
Having appealed to the diet again without encourage- 
ment, Ratich began traveling from place to place, trying 
to interest various princes or cities in his system. He 
was befriended by Dorothea, Duchess of Weimar, who 
induced her brother, Prince Ludwig of Anhalt-Kothen, 
to provide a school for Ratich. This institution was 
furnished with an expensive equipment, including a large 
printing plant ; a set of teachers that had been trained 
in the Ratichian methods and sworn to secrecy were 
engaged ; and some five hundred school children of 
Kothen were started on this royal road to learning. The 
experiment lasted only eighteen months, and, largely 
owing to Ratich's inexperience as a schoolmaster, was 
a dismal failure. The prince was so enraged at his 
pecuniary loss and the ridiculous light in which he was 
placed that he threw the unhappy reformer into prison, 
and released him only at the end of three months upon 
his signing a statement that he had undertaken more 
than he could perform. After this, Ratich tried his hand 
at Magdeburg, where he failed again, mostly as the 
result of theological differences, and then was enabled to 
present his principles to Oxenstiern, the chancellor of 
Sweden, but he never really recovered from his dis- 
appointment in Kothen, and died of paralysis in Erfurt 
before he could hear from Stockholm. 

His Claims. Although there was considerable merit 
in the principles of Ratich, he had many of the ear- 
marks of a mountebank. Such may be considered his 
constant attempts to keep his methods a profound 
secret, and the spectacular ways he had of presenting the 
ends they were bound to accomplish. In writing the 



diet, he promised by means of his system : first, to 
teach young or old Hebrew, Greek, and Latin without dif- 
ficulty and in a shorter time than was ordinarily devoted 
to any one language ; secondly, to introduce schools in 
which all arts and sciences should be thoroughly taught 
and extended ; and, lastly, to establish uniformity in 
speech, religion, and government. As Ratich stated 
them, these claims seem decidedly extravagant, but as 
far as he expected to carry them out, they were but the 
natural aims of an education based upon realism and 
the Baconian method. 

His Realistic Methods of Teaching Languages and Other 
Subjects. The rules of procedure used by Ratich and 
his disciples have been extracted by Von Raumer from 
a work on the Ratichian methods published after the 
system had become somewhat known. 1 In linguistic 
training he insisted, like all realists, that one " should 
first study the vernacular " as an introduction to other 
languages. He also held to the principle of "one thing 
at a time and often repeated." By this he meant that, 
in studying a language, one should master a single book. 
At Kothen, as soon as the children knew their letters, 
they were required to learn Genesis thoroughly for the 
sake of their German. Each chapter was read twice by 
the teacher, while the pupils followed the text with their 
finger. When they could read the book perfectly, they 
were taught grammar from it as a text. The teacher 
pointed out the various parts of speech and made the 
children find other examples, and then had them decline, 
conjugate, and parse. In taking up Latin, a play of 
Terence was used in a similar fashion. A translation 
was read to the pupils several times before they were 
shown the original ; then the Latin was translated to 
them from the text ; next, the class was drilled in gram- 
mar ; and finally, the boys were required to turn German 
sentences into Latin after the style of Terence. This 
method may have produced a high degree of concen- 

1 Methodus Institutionis Nova Ratichii et Ratichianorum, published 
by Johannes Rhenius at Leipzig in 1626. 

but were in 
keeping with 

" First study 
the vernacu- 
lar " and 
" one thing 
at a time " 
were the 
back of his 
practice at 



tration, but it was liable to result in monotony and want 
of interest, unless skillfully administered. 

Another methodological formulation of Ratich's, 
whereby he insisted upon " uniformity and harmony in 
all things," must have been of especial value in teaching 
the grammar of different languages, where the methods 
and even the terminology are often so diverse. Simi- 
larly, his idea that one should " learn first the thing and 
then its explanation," which was his way of advising 
that the details and exceptions be deferred until the 
entire outline of a subject is well in hand, would un- 
doubtedly save a pupil from much confusion in acquiring 
a new language. And some of his other principles, 
which applied to education in general, are even more 
distinctly realistic. For example, he laid down the pre- 
cept, "follow the order of nature." Although his idea 
of ' nature ' was rather hazy, and his methods often con- 
sisted in making fanciful analogies with natural phe- 
nomena, yet his injunction to make nature the guide 
seems to point the way to realism. Moreover, his atti- 
tude on " everything by experiment and induction," 
which completely repudiates all authority, went even 
farther and quite out-Baconed Bacon. And his addi- 
tional recommendation that " nothing is to be learned by 
rote" looked in the same direction. Finally, these real- 
istic methods were naturally accompanied by the humane 
injunction of "nothing by compulsion." 

The Educational Influence of Ratich. Thus Ratich 
not only helped shape some of the best methods for 
teaching languages, but he also anticipated many of the 
main principles of modern pedagogy. In carrying out 
his ideas, however, he was uniformly unsuccessful. This 
was somewhat due to his charlatan method of presenta- 
tion, but more because of errors in his principles, his 
want of training and experience as a teacher, and the 
impatience, jealousy, and conservatism of others. He 
must have been regarded by his contemporaries in gen- 
eral as a complete failure, whenever they contrasted his 
promises with his performances. Nevertheless, it is 


clear that he stirred up considerable thought and had a 
wide influence. He won a great many converts to his 
principles, and, through the texts and treatises written 
as a result of the movement he stimulated, his ideas 
were largely perpetuated and expanded. In the next 
generation came Comenius, who carried out practically 
all the principles of Ratich more fully, and thus, in a 
way, the German innovator, unpractical as he was, be- 
came a sort of spiritual ancestor to Pestalozzi, Froebel, 
and Herbart. 

The Education and Earliest Work of Comenius. Jan 
Amos Komensky (15921671), better known by his Lat- 
inized name of Comenius, was born at Nivnitz, a village 
of Moravia. He was, by religious inheritance, a de- 
voted adherent of the Protestant sect called Moravian 
Brethren^ While he became bishop of the Moravians, 
and devoted many of his writings to religion or theo- 
logical polemics, this does not concern us here, except 
as it affected his attitude as an educational reformer and 
a sense realist. In his schooling, as the result of careless Comenius 
guardianship of his inheritance, Comenius did not come was trained 

, r rT . , ,,. , . .,., m a Latin 

to the study of Latin, the all-important subject in his day, school and at 
until he was sixteen. This delay must, however, be re- Herborn - 
garded as most fortunate for education, as his maturity 
enabled him to perceive the amount of time then wasted 
upon grammatical complications and other absurdities in 
teaching languages, and was instrumental in causing him 
to undertake an improvement of method. After his 
course in the Latin school, Comenius spent a couple of 
years in higher education in the Lutheran College of 
Herborn in the duchy of Nassau, 2 where he went to 

1 The Moravian or Bohemian Church, officially known as Unitas 
Fratrum, is generally considered Lutheran in doctrine, but its religious 
descent goes back of Luther's time to the Bohemian martyr, Huss, and 
it has always preserved a separate organization. There are now three 
' provinces ' of Moravians, the German, British, and American. They 
number in all about thirty-five thousand members, of whom some twenty 
thousand are in the United States. 

2 The University of Prague, to which Comenius would naturally have 
gone, was at this time in the control of the Utraquists, a Hussite sect 
opposed to the Moravians. 



He taught 
at Prerau 
and wrote 
his Easier 

the first of 
his remark- 
able series of 
texts on the 
study of 
Latin, he 
was influ- 
enced by 
Ratich and 

prepare for the ministry of his denomination, and at 
the University of Heidelberg. Then, as he was 
still rather young for the cares of the pastorate, he 
taught for four years (1614-1618) in the school at 
Prerau, Moravia. Here he soon made his first attempt 
at a simplification of Latin teaching by the production 
of a work called Grammaticce Facilioris Prcecepta 
('Precepts of Easier Grammar'). Next (1618-1621) 
he became pastor at Fulneck, and, after a series of per- 
secutions, resulting from the Thirty Years' War, dur- 
ing which he and his fellow pastors were driven from 
pillar to post, he settled in 1627 at the Polish town 
of Leszno. 1 

The Janua Linguarwn. This place became the cen- 
ter from which most of his great contributions to edu- 
cation emanated. During his residence of fourteen 
years as rector of the Moravian Gymnasium here, he 
accomplished many reforms in the schools, and began 
to embody his ideas in a series of remarkable textbooks. 
The first of these works was produced in 1631, and has 
generally been known by the name of Janua Linguarum 
Reserata (' Gate of Languages Unlocked '). It was in- 
tended as an introductory book to the study of Latin, 2 
and consisted of an arrangement into sentences of sev- 
eral thousand Latin words for the most familiar objects 
and ideas. The Latin was printed on the right-hand 
side of the page, and on the left was given a translation 
in the vernacular. By this means the pupil obtained a 
grasp of all ordinary knowledge and at the same time a 
start in his Latin vocabulary. In writing this text, 
Comenius may have been somewhat influenced by Ra- 
tich, the criticism of whose methods by the professors 
at Giessen 3 he had read while at Herborn, 4 but he seems 
to have been more specifically indebted both for his 

1 This town, now called Lissa, is a part of Prussia. 

2 In the first edition it was called Janua Lingua Latince Reserata, 
8 See pp. 267 f. 

* As, however, Ratich had failed to answer the letter of inquiry he wrote 
him from Leszno, Comenius must have largely worked out the plan inde- 



method and the felicitous name of his book to a 
Jesuit known as Bateus, 1 who had written a similar 

The Vestibulum, Atrium, Orbis Pictus, and Other Janual 
Texts. It was soon apparent that the Janua would be 
too difficult for beginners, and two years later Comenius 
issued his Vestibulum ('Vestibule') as an introduction to 
it. While the Janua contained all the ordinary words of 
the language, some eight thousand, there were but a 
few hundred of the most common in the Vestibulum. 
Both of the works, however, were several times revised, 
modified, and enlarged. Also grammars, lexicons, and 
treatises to accompany them were written during later 
periods of Comenius' literary career. Much work of 
this sort was done between 1642 and 1650. During 
this period Comenius had accepted the invitation of 
Sweden to settle, under the patronage of his friend, 
Ludovic De Geer, at Elbing, a quiet town on the 
Baltic, and develop his ideas on method and school 
improvement. Here the Vestibulum and Janua were 
revised, 2 and the third of his Latin readers, the Atrium 
('Entrance Hall'), 3 which took the pupil one stage 
beyond the Janua, was probably started. But the 
Atrium was not finished and published until Comenius 
began his residence of four years at Saros-Patak, where 
he was in 1650 urged by the prince of Transylvania to 
come and reform the schools of the country. 

From his description of an ideal school for Patak, 4 
and from other works, it is known that he intended also 

1 Batty or Bateus was an Irishman, although at the College of Salamanca 
in Spain. Comenius makes acknowledgments to him in the Janua, but 
says his ideas had been outlined some time before his attention was called 
to the book of the Jesuit father. 

2 In Elbing the Methodus Linguarum Novissima (' Latest Method in 
Languages'), which outlines his idea of the purpose and principles of 
language teaching, together with several other didactic works, was also 

3 When planning this work in the Didactica Magna (Chapter XXII, 
19 and 22-24), ne refers to it as Palatium, and the fourth book, after- 
ward called Palatium, he there speaks of as Thesaurus. 

* Scholtz Pansophica Delineatio. 

The Vestibu- 
lum was an 
the Atrium, 
a third book ; 
the Pala- 
tium, a 
fourth; the 
Orbis Pictus, 
an edition of 
the Janua 
with 'pic- 
tures; and 
the Schola 
Ludus, a 



The Didac- 
tica gives 
his princi- 
ples, organi- 
zation, con- 
tent, and 
methods of 

to write a fourth l work in the Janual series, but he never 
completed it. This was to be known as Sapientia 
Palatium ('Palace of Wisdom'), and was to consist of 
selections from Caesar, Sallust, Cicero, and others of the 
best prose writers. While in Patak, however, Comenius 
did write two supplementary textbooks, the Orbis Sen- 
sualium Pictus (' The World of Sense Objects Pictured ') 
and the Schola Ludus ('School Plays'). The latter, 
which is an attempt to dramatize the Janua, soon fell 
into disuse, but the former, in which Comenius applied 
his principles of sense realism more fully than in any 
other of his readers, remained a very popular text for 
two centuries, and is most typical of the Comenian prin- 
ciples. It is practically an edition of the Janua accom- 
panied with pictures, but is simpler and more extensive 
than the first issue of that book. Each object in a pic- 
ture is marked with a number corresponding to one in the 
text. 2 It is the first illustrated reading-book on record. 
The Didactica Magna. Thus throughout his life 
Comenius was more or less engaged at every period in 
writing texts for the study of Latin. But these books 
connected with method were only a part of the work he 
contemplated. During his whole career he had in mind 
a complete system of the principles of education, and of 
what, in consequence, he wished the organization, sub- 
ject matter, and methods to be. His ideas on the whole 
question of education were early formulated at Leszno 
in his Didactica Magna* ('Great Didactic'). While 

1 It would be the fifth, if we should count the unimportant Auctarium 
(' Supplement '), which he afterward (1656) produced in Amsterdam and 
inserted between the Vestibulum and the Janua. 

2 The reprint of the English edition, published by Bardeen (Syracuse, 
1887), should be consulted. This method of presentation is referred to 
by Comenius as early as the Vestibulum as a desirable one, which at that 
time could not be carried out for lack of a skillful engraver. It may have 
been suggested to Comenius in the first instance by a Greek Testament 
edited early in the seventeenth century by a Professor Lubinus of the 
University of Rostock. 

3 This is a singular, the noun ars being understood. The original title 
has in it over one hundred words, beginning Didactica Magna ; Omnes 
Omnia Docendi Exhibens. For a translation of the entire title, see Kea- 
tinge, The Great Didactic of Comenius,^. 155. 



this work has many original features and is more care- 
fully worked out than anything similar, Comenius 
frankly recognizes his obligations to many who have 
written previously. In fact, he rather strove to assimi- 
late all that was good in the realistic movement and use 
it as a foundation. In this way the Didactica may be 
said to develop many of the scientific principles and 
methods found in Vives, 1 Bateus, Ratich, Andreae, 2 
Frey, 3 and Bodinus, 4 but it owes a greater debt for its 
pansophic basis of education to the works of Bacon and 
even more to the Encyclopedia of Johann Heinrich 
Alsted, under whom Comenius had studied at Herborn. 
The Didactica seems to have been completed in the 
Moravian dialect 5 about the time thejfanua first ap- 
peared, and must have been contemplated somewhat 
earlier. Hence, while this work was not translated into 
Latin and published until 1657, and was never printed 
in the language in which it was originally written until 
a century and three quarters after the death of its 
author, the point of view must have been established 
even before Comenius came to Leszno, and influenced 
him throughout his career. 

The Didactica as the Basis of All the Work of Comenius. 
The rest of the books of Comenius may be regarded 
as amplifications of certain parts of the Didactica. To 
make his instructions on infant training more explicit, 
while still at Leszno, he wrote the Informatorium Skoly 
Materske (' Handbook of the Mother School'). 6 He also 

1 See p. 1 66. 

2 Johann Valentin Andreae (1586-1654), court preacher at Stuttgart, 
attacked the formal religion and education of the time in numerous 

3 Janus Caecilius Frey (?-i63i) was a German educationalist, living in 
Paris, who produced a number of practical works. 

4 Jean Bodin (1530-1596) was a French writer on political theory, who 
published also an unusual educational treatise called Methodus ad facilem 
historiarum cognitionem. 

5 Czech was spoken in Moravia. 

6 This work was written first in Czech, although not published in that 
dialect for two centuries and a quarter. It was issued in German in 1633, 
and in Latin in 1657. Will S. Monroe has translated the Latin edition 
into English under the title of The School of Infancy (Boston, 1896). 

It owes much 
to the works 
of Bacon, the 
diaof Aisted, 
and the writ- 
ings of many 

The Didac- 
tica was 
made ex- 
plicit in the 
School, the 
series, and 
the Janual 


supplemented the Didactica with a set of texts for the 
'vernacular school' similar to the Janual series, which 
were intended for the 'Latin School' ; but, being written 
in an obscure dialect, these vernacular works were never 
revised and soon disappeared. 1 But the phase of the 
Didactica most often elaborated both in his other works 
and in his school organization was the realistic one of 
His attempts pansophia ('universal knowledge'). This was most mani- 
at'pan- f es t in his desire to teach at least the rudiments of all 
things to every one. It has already been seen how this 
principle was emphasized in his textbooks, such as the 
yanna and the Orbis Pictus. Also, after producing 
treatises upon Astronomy and Physics, he wrote, while 
at Leszno and Elbing, several works specifically on pan- 
sophia, of which the Janua Renim Reserata (' Gate of 
Things Unlocked') is the most systematic and complete. 
These works, while diluted by traditional conceptions 
but little beyond those of scholasticism, 2 show how far 
Comenius had advanced beyond previous attempts by 
organizing his data about large principles, instead of 
merely accumulating facts. Further, in his Didactica 
he recommends that a great College of Pansophy, or 
scientific research, 3 be established, and in" 1641, just 
before his call to Sweden, he went to England, at the 
invitation of Parliament, to start an institution of this 
character there. At Patak he even undertook to estab- 
lish a pansophic school of secondary grade, as outlined 
in his Pansophicce Sc holes Delineatio (' Plan of a Panso- 
phic School '). 

His pan- Pansophia a Ruling Passion with Comenius. This 

sophic mate- ^ea of pansophia seems to have been most keen and 

rials burned .., & *+ r < . i 

at Leszno. vivid with Comenius all his life, but he was always pre- 

1 The names of these texts, as he gives them in his Scholtz Vernacula 
Delineatio, were Violarium ('Violet-bed'), Rosarium ('Rose-bed'), 

Viridarium (' Grass-plot '), Labyrinths (' Labyrinth '), Bahamentum 
(' Balsam-bed '), and Paradisus Animee (' Paradise of the Soul '). Cf. 
also the Didactica, Chapter XXIX, II. 

2 For example, with Comenius the constituents of the universe are 
reduced to matter, spirit, and light. 

8 He calls it a collegium didacticum. See p. 280. 



vented from undertaking it to any extent by one accident 
or another, and was doomed to constant disappointment. 
Finally, shortly after his return from Patak, when Leszno 
was burned by the Poles, 1 Comenius barely escaped with 
his life, and his silva, or collection of pansophic mate- 
rials, upon which he had worked for forty years, was 
completely destroyed. He was now in his sixty-fifth 
year and had not the strength or courage to pursue his 
favorite conception further. 

The Threefold Aim of Education. While mystic and Education 
narrow at times, Comenius was a sincere Christian, and 
his view of life is most consistently carried out in his 
conception of education. He hoped for a complete 1 ^ t ? n 
regeneration of mankind through an embodiment of 
religion in the purpose of education. This educational 
aim is shown in the following propositions, which he 
develops in successive chapters of the Didactica: 

" (I) Man is the highest, the most absolute, and the most excel- 
lent of things created ; (II) the ultimate end of man is beyond this 
life; (III) this life is but a preparation for eternity; (IV) there 
are three stages in the preparation for eternity: to know oneself 
(and with oneself all things), to rule oneself, and to direct oneself 
to God; 2 (V) the seeds of these three (learning, virtue, religion 8 ) 
are naturally implanted in us ; (VI) if a man is to be produced, it 
is necessary that he be formed by education." 

Thus, from his religious conception of society, Come- The lower 

nius works out as his aim of education knowledge, shoSdbe 

morality, and piety, and makes these ideals go hand in controlled 

hand. It is to be noted, however, that his ideas about hfgher. 
what constitutes religion have advanced a long way 

1 The Moravians, who had suffered so severely from the Catholics dur- 
ing the Thirty Years' War, were in secret sympathy with the Protestant 
Swedes during their invasion of Poland. After the peace was declared, 
and several towns, including Leszno, were ceded to Sweden, Comenius 
foolishly published a letter of congratulation to the Swedish king, Charles 
Gustavus, and in retaliation, the Poles attacked Leszno and plundered it. 

2 In the original, Se et secum omnia, Nosse; Regere; et ad Deum 
Dirigere. Cf. 

" Self-reverence, self-knowledge, self-control, 
These three alone lead life to sovereign power." 

Tennyson's (Enone. 
* I.e. eruditio, virtus seu mores hones'as, religio seu pietas. 



should be 
one system 
of schools 
for all. 

The ' school 
of the moth- 
er's lap,' the 
' vernacular 
the ' Latin 
and the 
1 academy.' 

beyond those of mediaeval times. He regards educa- 
tion not as a means of ridding oneself of all natural 
instincts, and of exalting the soul by degrading the 
body, but as a system for controlling the lower nature 
by the higher through a mental, moral, and religious 
training. Education should enable one to become pious 
through the establishment of moral habits, which are 
in turn to be formed and guided through adequate 

Universal Education. But as with Comenius educa- 
tion is to prepare us to live as human beings, rather 
than to fit us for station, rank, or occupation, he further 
holds : 

" (VIII) The young must be educated in common, and for this 
schools are necessary ; (IX) all the young of both sexes should be 
sent to school." 

Under these headings he shows that, while the parents 
are responsible for the education of their children, it 
has been necessary to set aside a special class of people 
for teachers and to create a special institution known as 
the school, and that there should be one system of 
schools for all alike, " boys and girls, both noble and 
ignoble, rich and poor, in all cities and towns, villages 
and hamlets." 

The Four Periods in the School System. Later on, 1 
the Didactica more fully describes the organization that 
Comenius believes would be most effective. The system 
should consist of four periods of six years each, ranging 
from birth to manhood. The first period of instruction 
is that through infancy, which lasts up to the age of six, 
and the school is that of the 'mother's lap.' 2 Next 
comes childhood, which continues until the pupil is 
twelve, and for this is to be organized the * vernacular,' 
or elementary, school. From that time up to eighteen, 
comes the period of adolescence, with its ' Latin/ or 
secondary, school. Finally, during youth, from eighteen 
to twenty-four, the 'academy,' or university, together 

1 Chapters XXVII-XXXI. 

3 This was known as Schola Materni Gremii in the Latin translation. 


with travel, should be the means of education. As to 
the distribution and scope of these institutions, Comenius 
declares : 

" A mother school should exist in every house, a vernacular school 
in every hamlet and village, a Latin school in every city, and a uni- 
versity in every kingdom or in every province. The mother school 
and the vernacular school embrace all the young of both sexes. The 
Latin school gives a more thorough education to those who aspire 
higher than the workshop ; while the university trains up the teachers 
and learned men of the future, that our churches, schools, and states 
may never lack suitable leaders." 

Hence only those of the greatest ability, ' the flower of 
mankind,' were to go to the university. " A public ex- 
amination should be held for the students who leave the 
Latin school, and from its results the masters may decide 
which of them should be sent to the university and which 
should enter the other occupations of life. Those who are 
selected will pursue their studies, some choosing theol- 
ogy, some politics, and some medicine, in accordance 
with their natural inclination, and with the needs of the 
Church and of the State." 

Such an organization of schools as that suggested by 
Comenius would tend to bring about the custom of 
educating according to ability, rather than social status, 
and would thus enable any people to secure the benefit 
of all their genius. It was a genuine ' ladder ' system A ladder* 
of education, open to all and leading from the kinder- system of 

' r , . . u t education. 

garten through the university, such as has been com- 
mended by Huxley in speaking of the American schools. 
At the day that Comenius proposed it, this organiza- 
tion was some three centuries in advance of the times. 
Such an idea of equal opportunities for all could have 
been possible in the seventeenth century only as the 
educational outgrowth of a religious attitude like that of 
Comenius, and may well have been promoted in his 
case by the simple democratic spirit of the little band of 
Christians whose leader he was. 1 

1 In the old cemeteries of the Moravian communities in the United 
States, the departed lie side by side without distinction in regard to 



A coopera- 
tive college 
of investiga- 
tion known 
as a ' Schola 

This pan- 
sophic col- 
lege was to 
form a logi- 
cal climax to 
the system of 

The College of Pansophia. But beyond the university, 
which, like the lower schools, was to make teaching its 
chief function, Comenius held it to be important that 
somewhere in the world there should be a Schola Scho- 
larum or Collegium Didacticum, which should be devoted 
to scientific investigation. Through this pansophic 
college, learned men from all nations might cooperate, 
and, he holds, 

" These men should . . . spread the light of wisdom throughout 
the human race with greater success than has hitherto been attained, 
and benefit humanity by new and useful inventions. For this no 
single man and no single generation is sufficient, and it is therefore 
essential that the work be carried on by many, working together and 
employing the researches of their predecessors as a starting-point." 

Encyclopaedic Course at Every Stage. This plan of a 
' Universal College ' for research would seem to be a 
natural product of the pansophic ideal, which has been 
seen 1 to dominate all of the educational theory of Come- 
nius. Such an institution would form a logical climax 
to his system of schools, bearing, as he says, the same 
relation to them that the stomach does to the other 
members of the body by "supplying blood, life, and 
strength to all," for he holds that a training in all sub- 
jects should be given at every stage of education. Such 
universal knowledge, however, Comenius believes, should 
be given only in outline at first, and then more and more 
elaborately and thoroughly as education proceeds. The 
Didactica, accordingly, states : 

"These different schools are not to deal with different subjects, 
but should treat the same subjects in different ways, giving instruc- 
tion in all that can produce true men, true Christians, and true 
scholars ; throughout graduating the instruction to the age of the 
pupil and the knowledge that he already possesses. ... In the 
earlier schools everything is taught in a general and undefined man- 
ner, while in those that follow the information is particularized and 

position, wealth, or color. The tombstones are laid flat upon the graves, 
and are exactly alike, except for size, so that none in this Christian family 
may appear more prominent than the other. A similar interpretation of 
the Master's ' brotherhood of man ' is evidenced in all the Moravian 
social life. 1 See pp. 276 f. 



exact ; just as a tree puts forth more branches and shoots each suc- 
cessive year, and grows stronger and more fruitful." 1 

The Training of the Mother School. In later chapters 
of the Didactica and in his works for the special stages, 
Comenius gives the details of the pansophic training in 
each period of education. Even in the mother school, 
it is expected that the infant shall be taught geography, 
history, and various sciences ; grammar, rhetoric, and 
dialectic ; music, arithmetic, geometry, and astronomy ; 
and the rudiments of economics, politics, ethics, meta- 
physics, and religion, as well as encouraged in sports and 
the construction of buildings. The attainment at this 
stage is, of course, not expected to be as formidable as 
the names of the subjects sound. It is to consist merely 
in understanding simple causal, temporal, spatial, and 
numerical relations ; in distinguishing sun, moon, and 
stars, hills, valleys, lakes, and rivers, and animals and 
plants ; in learning to express oneself, and in acquiring 
proper habits. It is, in fact, very much like the train- 
ing of the modern kindergarten. 

The Course of the Vernacular School. Similarly, the 
vernacular school is to afford more advanced instruction 
in all literature, morals, and religion that will be of value 
throughout life, in case the pupil can go no further. 
The course is to include, beside the elements, morals, 
religion, and music, everyday civil government and 
economics, history and geography, with especial reference 
to the pupil's own country, and a general knowledge of 
the mechanic arts. All these studies are to be given in 
the native tongue, since it would take too long to acquire 
the Latin, and those who are to go on will learn Latin 
more readily for having a wide knowledge of things to 
which they have simply to apply new names instead of 
those of the vernacular. 

The Course of the Latin School. The Latin School, 
while including four languages, the vernacular, Latin, 

Even the 
course in 
the mother 
school is to 
be pan- 

So the ver- 
school is to 
afford in- 
struction in 
all subjects, 
in case the 
pupil can go 
no farther. 

1 Chapter XXVII, 4-5. This is practically the modern German method 
of teaching, known as that of ' concentric circles.' 



The Latin 
offers four 
but con- 
tinues this 
dic training. 

In the uni- 
versity each 
devote him- 
self to a 
but a few 
should pur- 
sue all 

Greek, and Hebrew, is also to continue this encyclopae- 
dic training. The seven liberal arts are to be taught in 
more formal fashion, and considerable work is to be 
given in physics, geography, chronology, history, ethics, 
and theology. In his description of the pansophic 
school that he undertook to establish at Patak, Comenius 
gives an even more specific account of the range of 
knowledge that should be gained in secondary educa- 
tion. He maps out seven classes, of which the first 
three are to be called ' philological,' and the other four 
to be known as 'philosophical,' 'logical,' 'political,' and 
'theological' respectively. In the philological grades, he 
indicates that Latin is to be taught; arithmetic, plane 
and solid geometry, and music are to be gradually ac- 
quired ; and instruction is to be afforded in morality, the 
catechism, the Scriptures, and psalms, hymns, and 
prayers. So he gives exactly the amount of training in 
mathematics, the arts and sciences, and religion that is 
to appear in the next three classes, and arranges that 
Greek shall be studied and Hebrew begun. In the last 
class, the wide range of secular knowledge is to be con- 
tinued, and such theological matters as the relation of 
souls to God are to be discussed. 

The University Curriculum. Finally, in the case of 
the university, Comenius maintains that "the curricu- 
lum should be really universal, and provision should be 
made for the study of every branch of human knowl- 
edge," but "each student should devote his undivided 
energies to that subject for which he is evidently suited 
by nature," theology, medicine, law, music, poetry, or 
oratory. However, "those of quite exceptional talent 
should be urged to pursue all the branches of study, that 
there may always be some men whose knowledge is 

The Method of Nature. Thus at every stage of edu- 
cation Comenius believes that there should be pansophic 
instruction. The, way in which this knowledge is to be 
acquired, he also intends to have in full accord with 
sense realism. He insists that, in order to reform the 



One should 
follow the 
4 method of 
nature, ' 
which ac- 
all things 
" with cer- 
tainty, ease, 
and thor- 

The analogy 
of the bird. 

schools of the day, which were uninteresting, wasteful of 
time, and cruel, the 'method of nature' must be observed 
and followed, for " if we wish to find a remedy for the 
defects of Nature, it is in Nature herself that we must 
look for it, since it is certain that art can do nothing 
unless it imitate Nature." He then shows how Nature 
accomplishes all things "with certainty, ease, and thor- 
oughness," 1 in what respects the schools have deviated 
from the principles of nature, and how they can be 
rectified only by following her plans. 

These principles concerning the working of nature 
were, however, not established inductively by Comenius, 
but laid down a priori, and were mostly superficial and 
fanciful analogies. The following quotation from the 
First Principle that he gives under the 'certainty' of 
nature, may serve as a specimen of his method : 

"Nature observes a suitable time. For example, a bird that 
wishes to multiply its species, does not set about it in winter, when 
everything is stiff with cold, nor in summer, when everything is 
parched and withered with heat ; nor yet in autumn, when the vital 
force of all creatures declines with the sun's declining rays, and a 
new winter with hostile mien is approaching ; but in spring, when 
the sun brings back life and strength to all." 

The schools deviate from this method of nature, he 
claims in the first place, because "the right time for 
mental exercise is not chosen," and to rectify the error, 

"(I) The education of men should be commenced in the spring- 
time of life, that is to say, in boyhood (for boyhood is the equivalent 
of spring, youth of summer, manhood of autumn, and old age of 
winter). (II) The morning hours are the most suitable for study, 
for here again the morning is the equivalent of spring, midday of 
summer, the evening of autumn, and the night of winter." 

It is not remarkable that, with all his realistic tenden- The induc- 
cies, Comenius did not employ the inductive method to w ^ ^^ 
any extent. He had inherited the notion that not all ployed to 
truth can be secured through the senses or by reason. any extent - 
He claimed that even Bacon's method could not be 
applied to the entire universe, all of which is included 

1 I.e. certo, facile, solide. See Didactica, Chapters XIV-XVIII. 



How the 
for following 
nature may 
be made ef- 
fective ; the 
of the gen- 
eral method 
to the sci- 
ences, arts, 
and piety. 

must be 
insured by 

in his pansophia. There are, he held, three media for 
knowledge, the senses, the intellect, and revelation, 
and "error will cease if the balance between them is 
preserved." The natural sciences were young in the 
day of Comenius, and he was very limited in his grasp 
of their content and method. It is a sufficient merit 
that, imbibing the spirit of sense realism, he had for 
the first time in history applied anything like induction 
to teaching, and produced the most systematic and 
thorough work upon educational method that had been 

The Method Applied to Special Subjects. After 
working out in the Didactica these general principles 
for following nature, Comenius renders his work much 
more practical by showing how such principles may be 
made effective in the ordinary schools. He then applies 
his general method to the specific teaching of various 
branches of knowledge, sciences, arts (including read- 
ing, writing, singing, composition, and logic), and lan- 
guages, and to instruction in morality and piety. On 
this practical side of his method, he applies more fully 
the induction of Bacon. After showing the necessity 
for careful observation in obtaining a knowledge of the 
sciences, he gives nine useful precepts for their study, 
and while they are stated as general principles, they are 
clearly the inductive result of his own experience as a 
teacher. Similarly, he formulates rules for instruction 
in the arts, languages, morality, and piety. The descrip- 
tion of special method in sciences, too, is thoroughly in 
harmony with realism in its insistence that, in order to 
make a genuine impression upon the mind, one must 
deal with realities rather than books. The objects 
themselves, or, where this is not possible, such repre- 
sentations of them as can be conveyed by copies, models, 
and pictures, must be studied. In the case of the lan- 
guages, arts, morality, and piety, impression must be 
insured by expression. " What has to be done, must be 
learned by doing." Reading, writing, and singing are to 
be acquired by practice. The use of foreign languages 



Discipline is 
to prevent a 
and should 
be adminis- 
tered only 
for a moral 

affords a better means of learning them than do the rules 
of grammar. Practice, good example, and sympathetic 
guidance teach us virtue better than do precepts. Piety 
is instilled by meditation, prayer, and self-examination. 

Correlation. As would be expected from the three- The study of 
fold interrelated aim and the encyclopaedic content of languages to 
education, Comenius everywhere in his method intends with that of 
that all subjects shall be correlated. In particular, he ob J ects - 
holds : 

" The study of languages, especially in youth, should be joined to 
that of objects, that our acquaintance with the objective world and 
with language, that is to say, our knowledge of facts and our power 
to express them, may progress side by side." 1 

Discipline. In the matter of discipline, as a natural 
accompaniment of his improvements in method, Come- 
nius was in advance of his time. He holds that the end 
of discipline is to prevent a recurrence of the fault, and 
it must be inflicted in such a way that the pupil will rec- 
ognize that it is for his own good. Severe punishment 
must not be administered for a failure in studies, but 
only for a moral breach, and exhortation and reproof are 
to be used before resorting to more stringent measures. 

The Comenian Principles and Their Effect upon Educa- 
tion. Such was the work of Comenius, who may in 
the fullest sense be considered the first great educational 
reformer and the real progenitor of modern education. 
His position grew out of sense realism, but to the 
encyclopaedic content and the natural method of Bacon, 
Ratich, and others, which he rendered more elaborate, 
consistent, and rational, he added his natural endow- 
ment of innate piety and a sense of the ' brotherhood of 
man.' Comenius made it evident that education should 
be a natural, not an artificial and traditional, process in 
harmony with man's very constitution and destiny, and 
that a well-rounded training for complete living should 
be everywhere afforded to all, without regard to sex, 
social position, or wealth, because of their very humanity. 

1 This principle, it has been seen (pp. 272-274), Comenius carried out 
in his series of Latin textbooks. 

To sense 
added the 
of piety. 

should be 
in harmony 
with one's 
nature, and 
should be 



and sense 
should be 
part of the 

All subjects 
should be 


had little 





through his 



but his prin- 
ciples have 
become the 
basis of 
and have 

He outlined a regular system of schools and described 
their grading, and was the first to suggest a training for 
very young children. He held that bodily vigor and 
physical education were essential, and made sense train- 
ing an important part of the course. He further broad- 
ened and enriched the entire curriculum by subordinat- 
ing Latin to the vernacular and insisting upon geog- 
raphy, history, the elements of all arts and sciences, 
and such other studies as would fit one for the activities 
of life. He correlated and coordinated all subjects, and 
combined even the training in Latin with a knowledge 
of real things. This he accomplished through a series 
of textbooks that were a great advance over anything 
previously produced. Thus he greatly contributed to 
make education more effective, interesting, pleasant, 
and natural. 

However, for nearly two centuries Comenius had but 
little direct effect upon the schools, except for his lan- 
guage methods and his texts. The Janua was trans- 
lated into a dozen European, and at least three Asiatic, 
languages ; the Orbis Pictus proved even more popular, 
and went through an almost unlimited number of editions 
in various tongues; and the whole series became for 
many generations the favorite means of introducing 
young people to the study of Latin. But until about 
half a century ago, the work of Comenius as a whole 
had purely an historical interest, and was known almost 
solely through the Orbis Pictus. The great reformer 
was viewed as a fanatic, especially as the pansophic ideal 
turned out to be of only ephemeral interest. Humanism 
was too thoroughly intrenched to give way at once to 

Nevertheless, the principles of Comenius were uncon- 
sciously taken up by others and have become the basis 
of modern education. Francke was anticipated by 
Comenius in suggesting a curriculum that would fit one 
for life ; before Rousseau, Comenius intimated that the 
school system should be adapted to the child rather than 
the child to the system; Basedow largely modeled his 



encyclopaedic content and natural method after the 
Orbis Pictus ; Pestalozzi revived the universal education, 
love of the child, and study of nature that appear in the 
works of the old bishop ; Herbart's emphasis upon char- 
acter and upon observation seem like an echo of Come- 
nius ; while the kindergarten, self -activity, and play, 
suggested by Froebel, had been previously outlined by 
the Moravian. Hence it happened that in the middle 
of the nineteenth century, when the works of Comenius 
were once more brought to light by German investigators, 
it was discovered that the old realist of the seventeenth 
century had been the first to deal with education in a 
scientific spirit, and work out its problems practically in 
the schools. His evidently was the clearest of visions 
and broadest of intellects. While it is easy to criticize 
him now, in the light of history Comenius is perhaps the 
most important individual in the development of modern 

Locke as a Sense Realist. Among those who most 
directly felt the influence of Comenius was Locke. 
There are elements throughout the Thoughts, and to some 
extent in the Conduct, where he seems to have been 
affected by the concrete material and interesting methods 
of the great sense realist as clearly as he was elsewhere 
by the humanistic realism of Montaigne. 1 Even in the 
subjects he recommends for the education of a gentleman, 
where he was especially following Montaigne, Locke 
makes a selection, utilitarian in nature and wide in range, 
that reminds one of the encyclopaedic advice of Bacon, 
Ratich, and Comenius. He also resembles the sense 
realists in desiring to begin with the vernacular studies, 
which with him are reading, writing, drawing, and pos- 
sibly shorthand. And when the pupil is able to take up 
a foreign language, Locke believes, with Comenius, that 
this should not be Latin, but the language of his nearest 
neighbor, in the case of the English boy, French. 
After the neighboring language has been learned, Latin 
may b studied. Like the Moravian, too, Locke believes 

1 See pp. 256-259. 

Herbart, and 

Locke was 
by sense 
realism, to 
the extent of 
a utilitarian 
and encyclo- 
paedic cur- 
riculum, and 
in beginning 
with the 
studies and 
the lan- 
guages of 
one's nearesl 



and in his 
methods of 

He also 
holds that 
are made 
through the 
senses by 

should be 
mild, and 
not for 

in correlating content studies with the study of lan- 
guages. He suggests : 

" At the same time that he is learning French and Latin, a Child, 
as has been said, may also be entered in Arithmetick, Geography, 
Chronology, History, and Geometry, too. For if these be taught him 
in French or Latin, when he begins once to understand either of 
these Tongues, he will get a Knowledge in these sciences, and the 
Languages to boot." 

In the matter of method also, Locke reminds one of 
Comenius and the other sense realists. He believes 
that " contrivances might be made to teach Children to 
read, whilst they thought they were only playing," and 
makes the suggestion of pasting the letters of the alpha- 
bet upon the sides of the dice. And further, " when by 
these gentle Ways he begins to read, some easy pleasant 
Book, suited to his Capacity, should be put into his Hands, 
wherein the entertainment he finds might draw him on." 

Moreover, Locke is most thoroughly a sense realist in 
his theory of knowledge and the pedagogical recommen- 
dations that grow out of it. He holds that impressions 
are made through the senses by observation, and are 
only combined afterward by reflection. 1 The develop- 
ment, therefore, of such knowledge to the most complex 
ideas comes through induction, and in this way the sci- 
ences should be studied. In the Conduct* he states : 

" The surest way for a learner, in this as in all other cases, is not 
to advance by jumps, and large strides ; let that which he sets him- 
self to learn next be indeed the next ; i.e., as nearly conjoined with 
what he knows already as it is possible ; let it be distinct, but not 
remote from it ; let it be new and what he did not know before, that 
understanding may advance ; but let it be as little at once as may 
be, that its advances may be clear and sure." 

It is not surprising that, with such pleasant methods, 
Locke, like the realists generally, declares in his 
Thoughts that " great Severity of Punishment does but 
very little Good, nay, great Harm in Education." 8 He 

1 This, of course, is brought out more clearly in his philosophical work, 
Essay concerning the Human Understanding. * XXXIX. 

8 His ideas in the Conduct would point to quite a different type oi 
method and discipline. 



prefers " Esteem or Disgrace " as the proper means of 
discipline, and maintains, as Comenius did, that corporal 
punishment should be for moral rather than intellectual 

Realistic Tendencies in the Elementary Schools. 
Obvious as the movement is in the seventeenth century, 
the effect of sense realism upon the schools seems to 
have been slow and indirect. The schools of those days, 
as of other periods, had become highly institutionalized, 
and the teachers were loath to break through any of 
their established habits in respect to either content or 
method. But in Germany during the seventeenth cen- 
tury there came a decided tendency throughout the ele- 
mentary schools to increase instruction in the vernacular, 
as recommended by Ratich and Comenius, and to learn 
first the German grammar rather than the Latin. With 
this movement was joined the increase in universal and 
compulsory education urged by the reformers, and an 
introduction of elementary science, in addition to the 
reading, writing, arithmetic, religion, and singing. At 
Weimar in 1619, through a pupil of Ratich, a new sys- 
tem with universal education was organized, and in 
1640 Duke Ernst, the Pious, of Gotha ordered Andreas 
Reyher to prepare a Schulmethodus based upon new 
lines. 1 Under this plan, which was completed two years 
later, elementary instruction was afforded to both sexes 
throughout the duchy in the natural sciences, as well as 
in the usual rudiments and religion. This work in 
' science ' consisted in teaching the children to measure 
with the hour-glass and sun-dial, to observe the ordinary 
plants and animals, and to carry on other objective 
studies of a simple character. Many other attempts 
were made elsewhere in the German states, both in 
private and public education, and the same tendency 
appeared in the states of Italy, and in France, Holland, 
and England. 

Secondary Schools. But the new realistic tendencies 

The effect 
of sense 
realism was 
slow and 
but in the 
there was 
in the ver- 
nacular and 
an introduc- 
tion of ele- 

1 See p. 199. 



in the ' Gym- 
nasien,' in 
the ' Rittera- 
that were 
in the 
schools of 
the Pietists, 
and in the 
' Realschu- 
len '; 

appear also in German secondary education. While it 
was not until the close of the seventeenth century that 
there are any evidences of it in the Gymnasien and other 
preparatory schools, it becomes apparent by the middle 
of the century in the renewed activity of academies for 
the nobles. 1 After the Thirty Years' War, owing to the 
havoc wrought in the cities, the importance of the 
burghers gives way decidedly to that of the nobles, who 
find a compensation for the devastation of the country 
in a new splendor of living and a brilliant literature 
borrowed from the court of Louis XIV (1643- 171 5), then 
at its height. For a century French influence domi- 
nated the courts of the German states, and, in place of 
humanistic education, there was developed a special 
training for the young nobles in French, Italian, Spanish, 
and English, in such accomplishments as courtly con- 
duct, dancing, fencing, and riding, and in philosophy, 
mathematics, physics, geography, statistics, law, geneal- 
ogy, and heraldry. This realistic training, while it in- 
cludes the sciences, is seen to lean rather toward the 
social features in the earlier realism of Montaigne z than 
the objective character of sense realism. The educa- 
tional institutions in which it was embodied were not 
known as Furstenschulen, but Ritterakademien (' acade- 
mies for the nobles'). Such academies were founded 
at Colberg, Luneburg, Vienna, Wolffenbuttel, and many 
other centers, before the close of the century. They 
originally covered the work of the Gymnasien, although 
they substituted modern languages, sciences, and 
knightly arts for the Greek and Hebrew, and added a 
little from the course of the university, but gradually 
they became part of the regular secondary system. 
Both in these schools and the Gymnasien the Comenian 
texts were used, but this was rather for the sake of their 
method of presenting Latin than because of the scientific 
content of these works. 

Later on, the Pietists' schools* also embodied all the 

1 See p. 154. 

a See pp. 246-250. 

8 See pp. 300-305. 



realistic elements which were borrowed by Francke 
from the suggestions in the writings of Comenius. The 
Pietists, however, adopted these ideas of the Moravian 
bishop largely for their religious side as a protest and 
reaction to the Ritterakademien and the * rationalistic ' 
movement, although they did not hesitate also to stress 
the science content and the study of the vernacular. 
These realistic ideas, started by Francke at Halle, were 
modified and expanded by his colleagues, Semler and 
Hecker, and found their way to Berlin toward the mid- 
dle of the eighteenth century. They then spread 
throughout Germany until, before the close of that cen- 
tury, they were embodied by means of the Realschiilen 
('realistic schools') in the regular school system of the 
different states. 1 These institutions, while retaining 
French and some Latin, have added also the ver- 
nacular, history, geography, geometry, mechanics, ar- 
chitecture, and various natural sciences, to their cur- 

In England such recommendations as those in Locke's in the 
Thoughts concerning moral and physical education, as |^ m b[i c 
we have already noted, did much toward reshaping the schools, and 
practice of the grammar and public schools, but probably conformist 
very few introduced even the elements of science irito 'academies'; 
their course. On the other hand, the academy recom- 
mended in Milton's Tractate of Education was actually 
organized in many places by the Puritans. The two 
thousand non-conforming clergymen who were driven 
from their parishes by the harsh Act of Uniformity in 
1662, in many instances found school-teaching a con- 
genial means of earning a livelihood, and at the same 
time of furnishing higher education to the young dis- 
senters who were excluded from the universities and 
grammar schools. The first of these academies was 
that established by Richard Frankland at Rathmill in 
1665, and this was followed by the institutions of John 
Woodhouse at Sheriffhales, of Charles Morton at New- 

1 See p. 304. 


ington Green, and of some thirty other educators oi 
whom we have record. While these academies usually 
followed the humanistic realism of Milton, and, since 
their chief function was to fit for the ministry, included 
Latin, Greek, and Hebrew in their course, they were 
also rich in sciences and mathematics and the study of 
the social sciences, and the vernacular was especially 
emphasized. 1 The new tendency was also broadened 
and amplified by the writings of Locke, whose Thoughts 
became the great guide for the managers of the Puritan 
academies. In 1689, when the Act of Toleration put 
non-conformity upon a legal footing, the academies 
were allowed to be regularly incorporated. 

So in America, when the number of religious denomi- 
nations had greatly increased and the demands upon 
secondary education had expanded, the 'grammar' 
schools, with their narrow denominational ideals and 
their limitation to a classical training and college prepa- 
ration, proved inadequate, and an imitation of the Eng- 
lish academy arose as a supplement. The first suggestion 
of an 'academy ' was made in 1743 by Benjamin Franklin. 
He wished to inaugurate an education that would pre- 
pare for life, and not merely for college. He accord- 
ingly proposed for the youth of Pennsylvania a course 
in which English grammar and composition, penman- 
ship, arithmetic, drawing, geography, history, the natural 
sciences, oratory, civics, and logic were to be emphasized. 
He would gladly have excluded the languages altogether 
and made the course completely realistic, but for politic 
reasons he made these subjects elective. His academy 
was opened at Philadelphia in 1751, and similar institu- 
tions sprang up rapidly through the other colonies dur- 
ing the latter half of the eighteenth century. Shortly 
after the Revolution, partly owing to the inability or the 
unwillingness of the towns or the counties to maintain 
grammar schools, the academy quite eclipsed these 

1 A detailed account of the history and curriculum of these academies 
is given in Brown, Making of Our Middle Schools, Chapter VIII. 



institutions, and became for a time the representative 
type of secondary school in the United States. 1 

The Universities. The conservatism of the univer- 
sities toward realism has been even more striking than 
that of secondary education. These higher institutions, it 
has previously been observed, were exceedingly reluc- 
tant to take up the classics, but after having adopted 
them as the substance of the course for a couple of 
centuries, they were long unwilling to exchange these 
subjects for others, or to make room for the sciences in 
any way. 

In Germany, as the result of its Pietistic origin, the 
University of Halle was realistic almost from its begin- 
ning in 1692. Gb'ttingen, the next institution to become 
hospitable to the new movement, did not start it until 
1737. But soon afterward the tendency became general, 
and by the end of the eighteenth century all the German 
universities, at least, all under Protestant auspices, 
had created professorships in the sciences. The Eng- 
lish universities, Oxford and Cambridge, were much 
slower than those of Germany in adopting the new sub- 
jects, and even at the present day the sciences have not 
altogether obtained the standing of the classics. During 
the professorship of Isaac Newton in the last half of the 
seventeenth century, however, much was done toward 
making Cambridge mathematical and scientific, and dur- 
ing the eighteenth century many chairs were established 
in the sciences, but it was not until toward the end of 
the nineteenth that this institution became famous for 
its science. The foundation of efficient municipal uni- 
versities in such cities as London, Liverpool, Manches- 
ter, and Birmingham, has greatly hastened the realistic 
movement in England during the past half century. 
Likewise, the bitter contest over the admission of sci- 
ence in the universities of the United States, in spite of 
their greater freedom from tradition and precedent, is 
still within the memory of many. 

The univer- 
sities were 
very conser- 
vative in the 
adoption of 
the sciences. 

In Germany 
by the end 
of the 
the tendency 

Oxford and 
were slower, 
but the new 
have has- 
tened the 

The admis- 
sion of sci- 
ences in the 
United States 
is recent. 

1 See Brown, op. cit., Chapter IX. 




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COMENIUS, J. A. Great Didactic (translated by M. W. Keatinge), 

Orbis Pictus (English edition reprinted by C. W. Bardeen), and 

School of Infancy (translated by W. S. Monroe). 
LOCKE, J. Conduct of the Understanding (edited by Fowler), and 

Some Thoughts concerning Education (edited by Quick) . 
RICHTER, A. Ratichianische Studien (Pts. 9 and 12 of Neudrucke 

Padagogischer Schriften). 


ADAMSON, J. W. Pioneers of Modern Education. Chaps. I-X. 

BALL, W. W. R. Short History of Mathematics. 

BARNARD, H. American Journal of Education. Vols. V, 229-298 

and 663-681, and VI, 459-466. 

BARNARD, H. German Teachers and Educators. Pp. 311-388. 
BEARD, C. The Reformation of the Sixteenth Centitry. Chap. XI. 
BROWN, E. E. The Making of Our Middle Schools. Chaps. VIII 

and IX. 

BROWNING, O. Educational Theories. Chap. IV. 
BUTLER, N. M. The Place of Comenius in the History of Education. 
CAIRO, E. University Addresses. Pp. 124-156. 
CAJORI, F. A History of Physics. 
CHURCH, R. W. Bacon. 

COMPAYR, G. History of Pedagogy. Pp. 121-137. 
DAVIDSON, T. History of Education. Division III, Chap. I. 
FISCHER, K. Descartes and His School. 
FOWLER, T. Bacon's Novum Organum. 
HANUS, P. H. The Permanent Influence of Comenius {Educational 

Aims and Values, VIII, 193-211). 
KAYSER, W. Johann Amos Comenius. Pp. 1-148. 
LAURIE, S . S . Educational Opinion since the Renaissance. C haps . 

LAURIE, S. S. John Amos Comenius. 
LAURIE, S. S. Teachers' 1 Guild Addresses. Chap. VI. 
LIPPERT, F. A. M. Johann Heinrich Alsteds padagogischdidaktische 

Reform-Bestrebungen und ihr Einfluss aufj. A. Comenius. 
MONROE, P. Text-book in the History of Education. Chap. VIII. 
MONROE, W. S. Comenius and the Beginnings of Educational 


MUNROE, J. P. The Educational Ideal. Chaps. III-V. 
NICHOL, J. Francis Bacon. 


NOHLE, E. History of the German School System (Report of the 

U. S. Commissioner of Education, 1897-98, pp. 39-44). 
PAULSEN, F. German Education (translated by Lorenz). Bk. III. 
QUICK, R. H. Educational Reformers. Chaps. IX, X, and XIII. 
RUSSELL, J. E. German Higher Schools. Chap. III. 
SPEDDING, J. (Editor). Life and Times of Francis Bacon. 



in religion 
and govern- 
ment in 
the seven- 
teenth and 

Catholic and 
states alike 
had become 
set and 
literal in 
their religion, 
and many 
states had 


DURING the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries there 
also occurred a decided awakening in the religion and 
government of Europe. This, however, would seem to 
have been the product of the same causes as the revival 
in intellectual, moral, and social conditions marked by 
the Renaissance, the Reformation, and the rise of real- 
ism. It somewhat overlapped these other movements, 
and was in part connected with them, and in part was a 
reaction from them when they had become stereotyped 
and fixed. 

Reaction to the Conditions in Church and State. We 
have already had occasion to notice how the stimulus in 
matters religious that took place during the Protestant 
revolts and the Catholic reformation had largely lost its 
vitality and lapsed once more into formalism. In France, 
Italy, Spain, and other Catholic countries, the Mother 
Church had again sunk into a traditionalism and author- 
itativeness almost as repressive as before the Reforma- 
tion ; in England, the National Church, while at first 
growing less and less ceremonial, had under the Stuarts 
become dogmatic and formal again ; while in Germany, 
the Protestant and Catholic states alike were set and 
literal in their interpretation of religion. A similar for- 
malism and despotism had for a longer period been 
growing up politically. Many states of Europe had at 
length become more unified through the development of 
strong national governments under absolute monarchs, 
and although these more stable conditions may be con- 
sidered to point in the direction of higher civilization, 
they proved anything but an unalloyed blessing. 



While this religious and political situation obtained 
even in the small and disunited states of Germany and 
Italy, and in the Hapsburg dominions of Spain and 
Austria, it was more noticeable in such highly central- 
ized governments as those of France and England. In in France, 
France, the king had become more and more thoroughly 
a despot, who, by the end of the seventeenth century, no 
longer even went through the form of summoning the 
Estates-General, but made laws and levied taxes prac- 
tically to suit himself. The nobility and the clergy, 
however, were exempt from taxation, and while still col- 
lecting their feudal dues or ecclesiastical tithes from the 
people, furnished them little protection or spiritual com- 
fort in return. The Catholic Church was all-powerful, 
and Protestants could not be legally married, have births 
recorded, or make wills. In England the power of Par- England, 
liament over taxes and legislation, which had been built 
up during the Middle Ages, became nominal during the 
Tudor period, and the sovereigns, by the exercise of 
tact, had been able to rule as practically absolute mon- 
arch s. The situation was further complicated and ren- 
dered more intolerable through religious oppression. 
The Tudors had established a national church, in which 
the authority of the pope was denied, but many of the 
old forms and ceremonies were continued. The ' Puri- 
tans,' l who were dissatisfied with this half-way reform, 2 
were required by Charles I (1625-1649) and his Arch- 
bishop Laud to conform to the national church. This 
led to a political and religious revolt, in which the Puri- 
tans were for a time successful, and controlled England 
under Oliver Cromwell and his son (1649-1660). But a 
reaction against the Puritan regime led to the restoration 
of the Stuarts and the expulsion of the Puritans from 
their parishes or even from the country, and conditions 
became more oppressive than ever. Even in Germany, Germany, 

1 The term was originally applied to Low Churchmen, who objected to 
some of the doctrine and ritual, but it was soon loosely used and extended 
so as to include the Presbyterians and Independents as well. 

2 See pp. 196 f. 



and else- 
where had 
grown up 
of protest. 

had become 
potent in the 
overthrow of 
the Stuarts, 
and had 
and the 

his Tractate, 
and the 
' Academy.' 

where the various states were not yet centralized under 
a single head, 1 religion had become largely crystallized 
and formal. Most of the fervor of the Reformation had 
spent itself, and the prevailing Lutheranism had become 
bound down by creed and sacrament. Exactness of 
definition and correctness of belief had come to weigh 
more than religious emotion and purity of life. Similar 
conditions existed in all other countries and were bound 
to lead to a reaction. With the growth of intelligence 
and civilization, discontent with these despotic civil and 
ecclesiastical conditions in Europe was inevitable. In 
opposition to the prevailing formalism, great movements 
of protest, such as Puritanism in England, Pietism in 
Germany, and Rationalism in England and France grew 

Puritanism and Its Effects. Puntamsmwa.s originally 
an attempt to bring about a more active piety and a 
'purer' conduct, but through a gradual increase in 
strength and the persecutions of the government, it be- 
came involved in politics and was most potent in the 
overthrow of the Stuarts. From its ranks, too, came 
several who contributed greatly to educational theory 
and to the improvement of the schools themselves. For 
example, the poet Milton was a stanch Puritan, and 
his Tractate of Edttcation? which showed his opposition 
to the formal schools of the day, was but one of the 
several pamphlets of protest from his pen. He also 
wrote upon the freedom of the press, the tenure of 
kings, and religious toleration, and against the episco- 
pacy. 3 Moreover, as has already appeared,* the 'acad- 

1 Of course the Hapsburg control of Germany was mostly nominal. 

2 See pp. 254-256. 

8 On the other hand, the great social philosopher Hobbes was stimu- 
lated to write through his royalist associations. He defended the 
absolutism of the monarch on the theory that the people had in the dim 
past agreed to hand over all their rights to a single person, in order to 
escape from continual warfare with one another, and could never be re- 
leased from their obedience. Therefore, with him, right and morality are 
the creation of the State, and religion and education should be controlled 
by the State. * See pp. 291-293. 


emy' that he recommended in his Tractate formed a 
sort of model for the later non-conformist schools, 
and for the second stage of American secondary 

The Puritans thus greatly aided in bringing both civil 
and religious liberty to England and in improving the 
tone of morals and education. Nevertheless, the move- The degen- 
ment, like the revivals that had preceded it, seems to p^tanism 
have degenerated, whenever it became dominant, into a into 
formalism quite as marked as that against which it was formalism. 
a protest. It affected impossible and absurd ideals, and 
condemned all harmless amusements and pleasures. 
Ball-playing, bell-ringing, hunting, theater attendance, 
and dancing were placed in the same category with 
drunkenness, licentiousness, theft, lying, and profanity. 
Use of the Book of Common Prayer or scoffing at Puri- 
tans came to be considered equally heinous with loose- 
ness of living. The effort to stimulate 'pure religion 
and undefiled ' deteriorated into pride, narrowness, intol- 
erance, exaggeration, and occasional hypocrisy. The 
everyday conversation of the Puritans must have been 
filled with the fanaticism and cant that appears in the 
literature of the day, and wide was the divergence be- 
tween preaching and practice. Puritanism had largely 
become externality and form. 

Rise of the Pietists. Meanwhile, a great religious 
revival was taking place also in Germany. In the midst 
of the formalism into which Lutheranism had fallen, 
there arose a set of theologians who were convinced of 
the need of moral and religious reform, and desired to 
make religion a matter of life rather than of creed. 
Among their number early appeared Philipp Jakob spenerand 
Spener (1635-1705), a pastor in Frankfurt, who insti- jjjl 
tuted at his home a series of so-called collegia pietatis 
(' religious assemblies '), in which were formulated propo- 
sitions of reform. The views here represented seem to 
have been largely borrowed from Puritan writers. They 
did not advocate any new doctrine, but simply subor- 
dinated orthodoxy to spiritual religion and practical 



and early 

Through his 
pastorate in 
Glaucha, he 
was led to 
found an 
' Armen- 
schule,' a 
' Biirger- 
schule,' and 
a ' Waisen- 

morality. The movement spread rapidly, and made a 
great impression throughout Germany. The old ortho- 
dox theologians and pastors were grievously offended, 
and, from the name of the gatherings, the reformers 
became known in reproach as Pietists. 1 

Francke. From the standpoint of education, however, 
the most important Pietist was August Hermann Francke 
(1663-1727). Francke received an excellent education 
at Gotha Gymnasium, where he became acquainted with 
the reforms of Ratich and Comenius, and at the univer- 
sities of Erfurt, Kiel, and Leipzig, in which he studied 
theology and the languages, especially Greek and 
Hebrew. He first came into notice at Leipzig, where 
he had become a Privatdocent, by starting a Pietist 
society for careful discussion and pious application of 
the Scriptures. His attitude aroused the ill-will of the 
older professors and caused his dismissal. After a brief 
but stormy career as a preacher at Erfurt and as a 
teacher at Hamburg, he assisted in founding the Uni- 
versity of Halle, which became the center from which 
Pietism was diffused throughout Germany. 

Organization of His Institutions. Here in 1692 
Francke became a professor of the Greek and Hebrew 
languages, but was afterward transferred to his favorite 
subject of theology. To make ends meet, he was also 
appointed pastor in the suburb of Glaucha, and through 
this latter position his real work as an educator began. 
While catechizing the children who came to the parson- 
age to beg, he was shocked at their ignorance, poverty, 
and immorality, and resolved to raise them from their 
degradation by education. One day early in 1695, upon 
finding a contribution of seven guldens ($2.80) in his 
alms box, he started an Armenschule (' school for the 
poor') in his own house and engaged a student of the 
university to teach it. As he was soon requested to 
open another school for those whose parents could afford 
to pay, he rented two rooms in a neighboring building, 

1 Like the names Puritan and Metfiodist, however, it was afterward 
adopted as a term of honor. 



one for the Armenschule and one for the Burgerschule 
('school for citizens'). Further, believing it of advan- 
tage to remove orphans from their old associations, he 
established a third institution for them, called the 
Waisenanstalt ('orphanage'), and later he subdivided 
all three organizations upon the basis of sex. 

Still in this same year, he undertook for a wealthy 
widow of noble family to educate her son together with 
some other boys, and his work in this direction grew 
rapidly into a secondary school, which came to be known 
as the Padagogium. Two years later he started another 
secondary course for the purpose of preparing the 
brighter boys from the orphan and poor schools for the 
university, and this was called the LateinischeHauptschule, 
or Schola Latina, to distinguish it from the elementary 
schools, in which no foreign language was taught. As 
early as 1698, Francke likewise wished to organize a 
boarding-school where girls whose parents could afford 
it might obtain a training in Latin, Greek, Hebrew, and 
other secondary subjects, and while at first this enterprise 
was on a small scale, within a dozen years the Hohere 
Tdchterschule (' higher school for girls ') became a regu- 
lar part of his system. Moreover, through his colleague, 
Semler, a secondary school of a more practical type, 
called the Realschule, in which the pure and applied 
sciences were taught, became associated in 1708 with 
the institutions of Francke. 

In addition to these elementary and secondary schools, 
Francke was also enabled, through a gift of four thou- 
sand marks ($1000), to institute in 1695 a Seminarium 
Prceceptorum (' seminary for teachers'), in which the 
theological students that taught in his schools might be 
trained. These students practiced teaching for two 
hours each day under the supervision and criticism of 
inspectors, and were boarded at a Frei-tisch (' free table'), 
established by means of the endowment. 

His Religious Aim in Education. Even if we were 
not acquainted with the origin of Pietism, or with the 
practice in Francke's schools, the explicit statements in 

He also 
1 Pada- 
' Schola 
' Tochter- 
schule,' and 
' Realschule,' 

and a ' Semi- 
narium Prae- 

His Chris- 
tian Educa.' 
tion holds 



religion to 
be the chief 
aim, but de- 
clares that 
the pupil's 
station must 
be consid- 

The Bible 
and cate- 
chism as 
and reading 
and writing 
based on the 


In the Pada- 
Greek and 
Hebrew for 
and Latin 
and French 
through the 

his Brief and Simple Treatise on Christian Education * 
would make it evident that the educational aim underly- 
ing all his work was primarily religious training. " The 
chief object in view," says Francke, "is that children 
may be instructed above all things in the vital knowledge 
of God and Christ, and be initiated into the principles 
of true religion." He goes so far as to insist : 

"Only the pious man is a good member of society. Without 
sincere piety, all knowledge, all prudence, all worldly culture, is more 
hurtful than useful, and we are never secure against its misuse." 

His position is, therefore, a real return to the Refor- 
mation emphasis upon faith and non-ceremonial worship. 
Nevertheless, it has been clear that he was sufficiently 
affected by the times to found his schools somewhat 
with reference to existing social strata, and he distinctly 
declares : " In all instruction we must keep the pupil's 
station and future calling in mind." 

Course in His Different Schools. Naturally, then, the 
subject most emphasized in all of Francke's schools was 
religion. In the elementary schools, four out of seven 
hours each day were given to Bible study, catechism, 
prayer, and pious observances, and the reading and writ- 
ing were based upon the Scriptures as material. After 
learning to read, a pupil studied arithmetic for four hours, 
and vocal music for two hours each week. Incidentally, 
the course was enriched with a knowledge of 'real ' or use- 
ful things, such as the simplest facts of astronomy and 
physics, bits of geographical and historical information, 
and various household arts. 

In the Pddagogitim, not only was religion the chief 
study, but Greek and Hebrew were taught largely for 
the sake of exegesis, compositions were written in Latin 
upon Bible subjects, and French was learned through a 
New Testament in that language. The realistic turn to 
Francke's work also appeared in the training in the ver- 
nacular, in such studies as mr thematics, German oratory, 

1 The full title is Kurzer und einfdltiger Unterricht wie die Kindei 
zur wahren Gottscligkeit und Christlichen Klugheit anzufuhren sind. 



history, and geography, and in the elements of natural 
science, arts, and crafts, and of astronomy, anatomy, and 
materia medica. He also added the management of es- 
tates, gardens, and vineyards, and such other knowledge 
as the upper classes of society would find useful. As the 
pupils in the Schola Latina were not of sufficient social 
standing to demand it, the French and some of the 
practical studies of the Pddagogium were omitted, but 
the curriculum was otherwise the same. The Realschule 
went more fully into the mathematics, sciences, and use- 
ful subjects than did the Pddagogium. The work in the 
Tochterschule was not unlike that in the Latin school, 
but included the household arts and other occupational 
studies and ' accomplishments.' 

Character of His Methods. While the course in all 
of Francke's schools was distinctly disciplinary in the- 
ory, good pedagogy was not altogether neglected. The 
teachers were directed by his treatise to study each 
individual pupil, and were advised how to train children 
to concentrate, observe, and reason. Although much 
memorizing was practiced, " children were not to be 
permitted to learn to prattle words without understand- 
ing them." This comprehension of the work was, of 
course, increased by applying all studies to everyday 
life. The pupils wrote formal letters, receipts, and 
bonds, and their mathematical problems were based 
upon practical transactions. The discipline in all the 
schools of Francke, in consequence, though strict, was 
mild and humane. 

The Influence of Francke's Institutions. From these 
schools, together with the orphanage, seminary, and 
' free table ' as a nucleus, have developed the now cele- 
brated organization known as Franckesche Stiftungen 
('Francke's Institutions'). "It is difficult to decide," 
says Adamson, "whether the most surprising feature 
is their humble beginning, or their rapid growth and 
steady adaptation of means to ends." In spite of many 
controversies resulting from the Pietistic auspices of the 
institutions, at the death of Francke in 1727, there were 

Realistic and 



Course of 
the Schola 
Latina, the 
and the 

The indi- 
vidual pupil 
was studied. 

ing was not 

of studies to 
daily life. 

Mild disci- 

' Francke's 
grew rapidly, 
increased in 
number, and 
have done 
a most 



The ' mod- 
ern ' studies 
have influ- 
enced the 
' Gymna- 
sien,' the 
' Realschule ' 
has spread 
Prussia, and 
the ' Semi- 
narium ' has 
been adopted 
by practically 
all the Ger- 
man states. 

already in the elementary schools some seventeen him 
dred and twenty-five pupils of both sexes, in the orphan- 
age were maintained one hundred boys and thirty-four 
girls, while the Padagogium had eighty-two, and the 
Schola Latina four hundred, boys, and two hundred and 
fifty students boarded at the ' free table.' 

These institutions have since been increased in num- 
ber, and there are now some twenty-five enterprises 
conducted in a large group of structures built about a 
double court. Among the additions are a printing-plant 
and bindery, a book-store, a Bible house, a drug-store 
and dispensary, and a home for women, as well as a 
Realgymnasium J and a Vorschule? Through these insti- 
tutions more than four thousand persons are being pro- 
vided with the means of an education or livelihood, and 
many good causes are advanced. Over one million 
marks ($250,000), coming from the endowment, state 
appropriations, tuition fees, and profits upon the enter- 
prises, are expended each year in maintaining the 

This work of Francke has had a great influence upon 
German education in several directions. The ' modern ' 
studies of the Padagogium and Schola Latina have been 
a model for Prussia and all Protestant Germany, and 
have somewhat affected the curricula of the Gymnasien. 
The Realschule of Semler was brought in a slightly 
modified form to Berlin by Hecker, one of the teachers 
in the Padagogium. From the capital it spread gradu- 
ally throughout Prussia, until it was taken into the 
public system, and is to-day one of the most important 
features. The seminary, or training-school for teachers, 
has been adopted by practically every one of the German 
states. Further, since in the various schools of Francke 
were realized the chief ideals of most educational re- 
formers up to that time, Germany was thereby given 

1 A compromise between the Gymnasium and the Realschule, which 
has been quite common in Germany, but is now disappearing. 

2 A preparatory school for the secondary schools, attended by children 
between six and nine. 


a concrete example of what it might best strive to imi- 
tate. Again, by means of teachers trained in his system 
by the seminary, all Germany has been leavened by the 
spirit of the great Pietist. 

Decline of Pietism. As to Pietism itself, however, 
while originally a protest against creed and ceremonial, 
in later years it lost much of its living power and deterio- 
rated into a formalism in religious life and thought. It 
magnified even the smallest of daily doings into expres- 
sions of piety, and became, like Puritanism, pervaded 
with affectation and cant. To a great extent, its schools, 
with their spiritual purpose and content, then lapsed into 
merely inefficient classes in formal catechism, and all 
hold upon real living was lost. The religious revival of 
Spener and the educational impulse of Francke had 
become crystallized and fixed. 

Rationalism in England and France and Its Effects; 
John Locke. It was also during this period of Puritan- 
ism and Pietism that the world heard from the great 
rationalistic philosopher and educationalist, John Locke. 
While Locke's ancestry was Puritan, this seems to have 
had little influence upon his life and philosophy, except 
as he was ever the advocate of civil, religious, and philo- 
sophic freedom. This tendency was increased by his 
close personal relations with the noted liberal, Lord 
Shaftesbury. 1 In accordance with his convictions, Locke 
wrote two Treatises on Government, three Letters on 
Toleration, and an essay upon The Reasonableness of 
Christianity. Each of these works vigorously opposed 
absolutism and dogmatism, but they are all simply appli- 
cations of the thought underlying his great Essay con- 
cerning the Human Understanding. In this treatise, 
which was the product of his reflection during a score 
of years, he holds, as in the more special works, to the 
fruitlessness of traditional opinions and empty phrase- 
ology. He rejects all ' innate ideas,' or axiomatic prin- 
ciples, and charges that this tenet was imposed by 


All Germany* 
has been 

But Pietism, 
too, became 
and fixed. 

Locke, as an 
advocate of 
civil and 
wrote several 
treatises, but 
they are all 
of the ration- 
alistic phil- 
osophy in 
his Essay. 

1 See p. 257. 



He holds in 
his Conduct 
that the 
mind, like 
the body, 

masters and teachers upon their followers, " to take them 
off their own reason and judgment, and put them on 
believing and taking them upon trust without further 
examination." All knowledge, claims the Essay, comes 
rather from experience, and the mind is like white paper 
upon which ideas can be painted by ' sensation ' and 
'reflection.' 1 Locke further finds it necessary to deter- 
mine, when the ideas are once in mind, what they tell 
us in the way of truth. He holds that "knowledge is 
real only so far as there is a conformity between our 
ideas and the reality of things," and that, as we cannot 
always be sure of this correspondence, much of our 
knowledge is probable and not certain. We must, 
therefore, in each case carefully consider the grounds 
of probability, " the conformity of anything with our 
own knowledge, observation, and the testimony of 

Locke's Disciplinary Theory in Intellectual Education. 
To train the mind to make the proper discriminations 
in these matters, Locke claims that a formal discipline 
must be furnished by education. This attitude is made 
clear in his posthumous educational work, Conduct of 
the Understanding. As regards the aim of intellectual 
education, he holds in this work : 

" As it is in the body, so it is in the mind ; practice makes it 
what it is, and most even of those excellences which are looked on 
as natural endowments will be found, when examined into more nar- 
rowly, to be the product of exercise, and to be raised to that pitch 
only by repeated actions. Few men are from their youth accustomed 
to strict reasoning, and to trace the dependence of any truth in a 
long train of consequences to its remote principles and to observe its 
connection ; and he that by frequent practice has not been used to 
this employment of his understanding, it is no more wonder that he 
should not, when he is grown into years, be able to bring his mind 
to it, than that he should not be able on a sudden to grave and 
design, dance on the ropes, or write a good hand, who nas never 
practiced either of them." 

Concerning the best studies for producing this mental 
gymnastic, Locke says : 

1 This is his famous doctrine of the tabula rasa. 


" Would you have a man reason well, you must use him to it be- and that the 
times, exercise his mind in observing the connection of ideas and best gymna 
following them in train. Nothing does this better than mathematics, tic f ? r rea ~ 
which therefore I think should be taught all those who have the fo^fir^ 
time and opportunity, not so much to make them mathematicians as mathematics. 
to make them reasonable creatures . . ., that having got the way of 
reasoning, which that study necessarily brings the mind to, they 
might be able to transfer it to other parts of knowledge as they shall 
have occasion." 

So Locke advises a wide range of sciences, not for 
the sake of the realistic knowledge obtained, but for in- 
tellectual discipline, " to accustom our minds to all sorts 
of ideas and the proper ways of examining their habi- 
tudes and relations ; . . . not to make them perfect in any 
one of the sciences, but so to open and dispose their 
minds as may best make them capable of any, when 
they shall apply themselves to it." Similarly, he implies 
that reading may become a means of discrimination. 
" Those who have got this faculty, one may say, have 
got the true key of books, and the clue to lead them 
through the mizemaze of variety of opinions and authors 
to truth and certainty." 

Formal Discipline in Moral and Physical Training. 
The same disciplinary conception of the aim of educa- 
tion underlies most of Locke's recommendations on 
moral and physical training in Some Thoughts concern- 
ing Education. When in this work he comes to treat 
moral education, he declares at the start : 

" As the strength of the body lies chiefly in being able to endure 
Hardships, so also does that of the Mind. And the great Principle 
and Foundation of all Virtue and Worth is plac'd in this : That a 
Man is able to deny himself his own Desires, cross his own Inclina- 
tions, and purely follow what Reason directs as Best, tho' the Appe- 
tite lean the other Way. . . . This Power is to be got and improv'd 
by Custom, made easy and familiar by an early Practice. If, there- 
fore, I might be heard, I would advise that, contrary to the ordinary 
Way, Children should be us'd to submit their Desires, and go 
without their Longings, even from their very Cradles. The first 
Thing they should learn to know, should be that they were not to 
have any Thing because it pleas'd them, but because it was thought 
fit for them." 

Hence, in Locke's opinion, morality comes about 

He also 
advises a 
range of sci- 
ences to dis- 
pose the 
mind so as 
to be capable 
of any sci- 

Moral train- 
ing he de- 
clares to be 
obtained by 
one's desire^ 



and physical 
training by 
the ' harden- 
ing process.' 

Judged by 
the Thoughts 
rather than 
the Conduct, 
Locke has 
been classed 
as a realist 
or a natural- 
ist, instead of 
an advocate 
of ' formal 
as is clearly 
the case with 
the Conduct 
and the 
moral and 
training in 
the Thoughts, 

through submitting the natural desires to the control of 
reason, and thereby forming virtuous habits. In this 
light he discusses various virtues and vices as they occur 
to him, and insists that, in order that the proper habits 
may be ingrained in them, children should recognize the 
absolute authority of their fathers and tutors. 

The ideal upon which Locke bases his physical train- 
ing is also that of formal discipline, and has since been 
generally known as the ' hardening process.' His advice 
concerning this part of a pupil's training might be 
abridged as follows : 

" Most Children's Constitutions are either spoil'd or at least 
harm'd by Cockering and Tenderness. The first Thing to be taken 
Care of is that Children be not too warmly clad or covered, Winter or 
Summer. The Face when we are born, is no less tender than any 
other Part of the Body. 'Tis Use alone hardens it, and makes it 
more able to endure the Cold. I will also advise his Feet to be 
washed every Day in cold Water, and to have his Shoes so thin that 
they might leak and let in Water, whenever he comes near it. I 
should advise him to play in the Wind and Sun without a Hat. His 
Diet ought to be very plain and simple, if he must needs have 
Flesh, let it be but once a Day, and of one Sort at a Meal without 
other Sauce than Hunger. His Meals should not be kept constantly 
to an Hour. Let his Bed be hard, and rather Quilts than feathers, 
hard Lodging strengthens the Parts." 

Effects of Locke's Educational Theories. The intel- 
lectual education advocated by Locke in his Conduct of 
the Understanding is evidently very different in content 
and method from that in the Thoughts. And although 
the Thoughts, as has been pointed out, arose from 
special circumstances, it is from this work, rather than 
the Conduct, that the educational position of Locke has 
ordinarily been estimated. In consequence, he has been 
classed by most educational writers as a realist of the 
humanistic or the sense type, with leanings toward 
Montaigne or Comenius, according to which set of ideas 
seemed to have been most emphasized in this work. 1 
In truth, if we regard only the intellectual education of 
Locke's Thoughts and the resemblance it bears in inci- 

1 See pp. 256-259 and 287-289. 


dentals or details to the recommendations of the realists, 
there is sufficient reason for these classifications. On 
similar grounds, Locke might be placed in the ' natural- 
istic ' class with Rousseau, who, while criticizing him 
severely at times, admits a great indebtedness to him 
and has clearly taken many ideas from him with little 

Locke as the Advocate of Formal Discipline. But, 
although Locke stands in the apostolic succession of 
great educational theorists, selecting from the realists 
and influencing the naturalists, these interpretations 
cannot be considered at all adequate or in harmony 
with the whole spirit of Locke's rationalistic philosophy 
or his works upon other subjects. His peculiar point 
of view is exhibited in the Conduct, which was originally 
intended as an additional chapter and an application of 
the Essay, and in the positions taken on physical and 
moral training in the Thoughts. And the idea he gives 
here of training the mind by means of mathematics and 
other subjects so as to cultivate ' general power,' to- 
gether with his 'denial of desires ' in moral education 
and the ' hardening process ' in physical training, would 
seem to make Locke the first writer to advocate the 
doctrine of ' formal discipline.' 

Adherents of this theory hold that the study of certain 
subjects yields results out of all proportion to the effort 
expended, and gives a power that may be applied in any 
direction. It has been argued by formal disciplinarians, Position of 
accordingly, that every one should take these all-impor- |jjs c ipi al 
tant studies, regardless of his interest, ability, or purpose narians. 
in life, and that all who are unfitted for these particular 
subjects are not qualified for the higher duties and 
responsibilities, and are unworthy of educational con- 
sideration. These subjects are usually held to be the 
classic languages, to improve the 'faculty of memory,' 
and mathematics to sharpen the ' faculty of reason,' 
although strenuous efforts have been made by the 
scientists and others l to meet this argument by point- 

a See Proceedings of the International Congress of Charities, 1893. 


ing out the ' formal discipline ' in their own favorite 

This doctrine of the formal discipline has had a tre- 
mendous effect upon each stage of education in practi- 
cally every country and during every period almost up 
to the last decade, when a decided reaction began. 1 
The formal classicism of the English grammar and 
public schools and universities, and of the German 
Gymnasien, afford excellent examples of the influence of 
formal discipline. While in the United States a newer 
and more flexible society has enabled changes to be 
more readily made, but a quarter of a century ago 
Greek, Latin, and mathematics made up most of the 
course in high schools, colleges, and universities, and 
until very recently the effete portion of arithmetic and 
the husks of formal grammar were defended in our ele- 
mentary education upon the score of 'formal discipline.' 
But, with the growth of science, the abandonment of the 
'faculty' psychology, 2 and the development of educa- 
tional theory, the curriculum has everywhere been 
broadened, and the content of studies rather than the 
process of acquisition has come to be emphasized. 

It should, however, be recognized that Locke did not 
defend, but vigorously assailed, the grammatical and 
linguistic grind in the English public schools. 3 His 
attitude toward formal discipline sprang from his desire 
to root out the traditional and false, rather than to 
support the narrow humanistic curricula of the times. 

Section VII. E. B. Andrews makes this argument even for the study of 

1 See Adams, Herbartian Psychology, Chap. V ; Bagley, Educative 
Process, Chaps. XIII-XIV; Home, Training of the Will {School Review, 
XIII, pp. 616-628) ; O'Shea, Education as Adjustment, Chaps. XIII and 
XIV; Thorndike, Educational Psychology, Chap. VIII; Wardlow, Is 
Mental Discipline a Myth? {Educational Review, XXXV, pp. 22-32). 
Read also the more recent investigations, which tend to show that we 
have reacted too far. See the contributions of Angell, Pillsbury, Judd, 
and Ruediger in Educational Review, XXXVI, pp. 1-43, and 364-372, 
and Winch in The British Journal of Psychology, Vol. II, pp. 284-293. 

2 See Graves, History of Education before the Middle Ages, pp. 196 and 
213, for the origin and meaning of the ' faculty ' psychology. 

8 See pp. 170-172. 


His philosophy and educational doctrines grew out of 
his purpose to aid the cause of liberty and reason, and 
his esteem for mathematics as an intellectual training 
shows his connection with Descartes. 1 It was, more- 
over, his doctrine that, developed to an extreme, eventu- 
ated in the destructive philosophy of the French ration- 
alists and the skepticism of Hume. While, therefore, 
Locke's imagery of the tabula rasa and his disciplinary 
theory have had an influence far beyond his times, it 
can hardly be supposed that he took that position in con- 
scious support of the conservative formal education of 
the English schools. He was in this, as in all his posi- 
tions, a radical and a rationalist. 

Voltaire and the Encyclopedists. But Rationalism did 
not in England take the same direction or go to the ex- 
treme it did in France. While the French were slower 
than the English to revolt against absolutism and eccle- 
siasticism, their conditions were more intolerable, and 
when the outbreak came, it was much more acute. As 
the eighteenth century wore on, the reaction to the tra- 
ditional, irrational, and formal in Church and State, on 
the one hand, and to the fanaticism, hypocrisy, and 
formalism of Puritanism and Pietism on the other, grew 
and became popular. Efforts came to be made to inter- 
pret life in the light of reason and to overthrow all 
customs and institutions that did not square with this 

The rationalistic movement, which had started in Eng- 
lish philosophic thought, was here popularized and put 
into actual practice. The sensationalism and rationalism 
of Locke were greatly developed by Montesquieu, 
Voltaire, Diderot, Condillac, D'Alembert, and others of 
the French 'encyclopedists.' The most keen and brilliant 
of all these writers was Voltaire (1694-1778), who well 

1 Locke had first been stimulated by Descartes, who was reacting from 
his Jesuit traditions. The effort to strip off preconceived opinions is similar 
in both, and while Locke rejects the ' innate ideas,' to whose certainty 
Descartes holds, he also believes in mathematics as the best means of 
disciplining the mind and of getting rid of the false. 

the rational* 
ism of 
and the 
of Hume. 

The French 
was more 
acute ; it was 
a reaction to 
the traditionr 
alism of 
Church and 
State, and to 
the fanati- 
cism of the 



serves as a type of the whole movement. With matchless 
wit and literary skill, in a remarkable range of writings, 
he championed reason against the traditional institutions 
of State and Church. Voltaire's chief object of attack was 
the powerful Roman Catholic Church, which at this time 
seemed to stand seriously in the way of all liberty, individ- 
ualism and progress, and the slogan with which he often 
closed his letters was, " crush the infamous thing." The 
Protestant beliefs he likewise repudiated as irrational. 
The other rationalistic writers had similar doctrines, and 
although the details of their ideas are hardly worthy of 
consideration here, they all produced writings upon edu- 
cation. In these they freely criticized the traditional 
school systems, and proposed new theories of organiza- 
tion, content, and method that must later have assisted 
to demolish the existing theory and practice in France. 

Thus Rationalism sought to destroy despotism, super- 
stition, and hypocrisy, and to establish in their place 
freedom in action, justice in society, and toleration in 
religion. But in casting away the old, it swung to the 
opposite extreme and degenerated into anarchy and skep- 
ticism, and at times even into materialism and license. 
In their fight against the despotic ecclesiasticism, the 
rationalists failed to distinguish it from Christianity, and 
wished in its place to create a religion of reason or na- 
ture. Their real opposition to the Church, however, was 
because it was irrational rather than because it was insin- 
cere, and they felt that it might have a mission with the 
masses, who were too dull and uneducated to be able to 
reason. So while Rationalism wielded a mighty weapon 
against the fettering of the human intellect, it cared little 
about improving the condition of the lower classes, who 
were sunk in poverty and ignorance, and universally 
oppressed. It endeavored to replace the traditionalism 
and despotism of the clergy and monarch with the tyr- 
anny and dogmatism of an intellectual few. While 
brilliant, the movement was also artificial and stilted. 
Morality came to be merely a veneer, an observance 
of proper forms. The most vicious living was tolerated, 


providing appearances were maintained. There came 
about merely the exchange of one kind of formalism for 

The Hardening of the Puritan, Pietistic, and Rational- Puritanism 
istic Movements. Hence the reactions to formalism in * n . d ? ietisi " 

. . . deteriorated 

the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries eventually intofanati- 
hardened in each case into formalism of a new type. R^naifsm 
Puritanism and Pietism to a great extent deteriorated into 
into fanaticism and hypocrisy, while Rationalism spread ske P tlclsm - 
into skepticism and looseness of living. But during this 
period, as at other times in history, there was not a com- 
plete return to the point of departure. The stimulus in 
religion and political conditions disappeared again, but 
it not only left behind important by-products for society 
and education, but it also prepared the way for a higher 
development in the future. 



DESCARTES, R. Meditations. 

LOCKE, J. Conduct of the Understanding (edited by Fowler), and 

Some Thoughts concerning Ediication (edited by Quick) . 
RICHTER, A. August Hermann Francke, Kurzer und Einfdltiger 

Unterricht (Pt. X of Neudrucke Padagogischer Schrifteri). 


BAGLEY, W. C. The Educative Process. Chaps. XIII-XIV. 
BOURNE, H. R. F. The Life of John Locke. Vol. II, pp. 253-269. 
BROWNING, O. Educational Theories. Chap. VII. 
COMPAYRE, G. History of Pedagogy. Pp. 194-211. 
ERDMANN, J. E. History of Philosophy (translated by Hough). 

Vol. II, pp. 104-116 and 153-170. 
FOWLER, T. John Locke. Chaps. I-X. 
FRANCKE, K. German Literature as Determined by Social Forces. 

Chaps. VI-VIII. 

FRASER, A. C. Locke. Pts. I and II. 
KRAMER, G. August Hermann Francke ; ein Lebensbild. 
LAURIE, S. S. Educational Opinion from the Renaissance. Chap. 


LEITCH, J. Practical Educationalists and their Systems. Pp. 1-51. 
LOWELL, E. J. Eve of the French Revolution. 


MACDONALD, F. Studies in the France of Voltaire and Rousseau. 
MAY, T. E. Democracy in Europe. Vol. II, Chap. XII. 
MONROE, P. Text-book in the History of Education. Chaps. VIII 

and IX. 

MUNROE, J. P. The Educational Ideal. Pp. 106-118. 
NOHLE, E. History of the German School System (Report of the 

U. S. Commissioner of Education, 1897-98, pp. 45-02). 
O'SHEA, M. V. Education as Adjustment. Chaps. XIII-XIV. 
PAULSEN, F. German Education. Bk. III. 
QUICK, R. H. Educational Reformers. Chap. XIII. 
RUSSELL, J. E. German Higher Schools. Pp. 60-66. 
SCHLOSSER, F. C. History of the Eighteenth Century. Bk. I, Chaps. 

II and III. 

THORNDIKE, E. L. Educational Psychology. Chaps. Ill and VIII. 
WILLIAMS, S. G. History of Modern Education. Chap. X. 



The Middle Ages. It may be well now to pause at 
the gateway of modern civilization and education and 
make a brief survey of the progress that has taken place 
since pre-mediaeval days. During the Middle Ages, it 
has been seen that the key-note was adherence to author- 
ity and preparation for the life to come. Individualism 
was mostly repressed, and intellectual training was held 
within the confines of a few activities of a stereotyped 
sort. The cultural products of Greece and Rome largely 
disappeared or were deprived of their vitality, and all 
civilization was restricted, fixed, and formal. 

The Awakening. But the human spirit could not be 
forever held in bondage, and, after almost a millennium 
of repression and uniformity, various factors that had 
accumulated within the Middle Ages produced an intel- 
lectual awakening. Some expression of individualism 
was once more attained, and the classics of Greece and 
Rome were again sought to nourish the renewed vigor. 
This period of intellectual restoration has been described 
by the word ' Renaissance,' and its vitality lasted during 
the fifteenth century in Italy and to the close of the six- 
teenth in the Northern countries. By the dawn of the 
seventeenth century, however, it had everywhere degen- 
erated into ' Ciceronianism.' This constituted a formal- 
ism almost as dense as that it had superseded, except 
that linguistic and literary studies had replaced dialectic 
and theology. 

A little later than the spread of the Renaissance 
through the North, yet overlapping it somewhat, came 
the allied movement of the ' Reformation.' This grew in 
part out of the disposition of the Northern Renaissance 

The key-note 
of the Middle 
Ages was 
authority and 

The period 
of intellectual 
or the ' Re- 
into Cicero- 
nianism ; 

the ' Reform- 
ation,' or the 
religious and 


into for- 
malism ; 

and in the 
century the 
search for 
' real things,' 
or ' realism,' 

with realism 
came the 
religious and 
that took 
the forms of 
Pietism, and 
which also 
formal and 

Thus was the 
way prepared 
for the com- 
plete reaction 
of Rousseau 
and the 

to turn to social and moral account the revived intelli- 
gence and learning. A movement to reform church 
practice and doctrine appeared in the Protestant revolts 
and the Catholic reaction. Yet here also the revival 
abandoned its mission, and the tendency to rely upon 
reason rather than dogma hardened into formalism and 
a distrust of individualism. 

Again, in the seventeenth century, apparently as an 
outgrowth of the same forces as produced the humanis- 
tic and religious revivals of the two preceding centuries, 
came the movement known as 'realism.' When the 
Renaissance and Reformation had deteriorated into nar- 
row Ciceronianism on the one hand and dogmatic formal- 
ism on the other, the activity of the times took the form 
of a search for 'real things.' By this at first was merely 
intended a broader humanism and an effort to realize 
the idea back of the word, but it came before long to be 
expanded into a desire to deal with concrete objects. 
In a small and crude way the modern scientific move- 
ment had begun. 

Preparation for Rousseau and the French Revolu- 
tion. Associated with this realistic tendency, on the 
religious and political sides came a quickening known 
in various forms and countries as Puritanism, Pietism, 
and Rationalism. These movements went on through 
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, but eventually 
degenerated into fanaticism and hypocrisy or skepticism 
and anarchy. 

While it can be seen that the revival in each of these 
periods lapsed and hardened once more into a new sort 
of formalism, something in every era was accomplished 
for progress, and the social pendulum never swung back 
as far as the point from which it had started. Thus 
was the way opened for the absolute break from tradi- 
tion and authority that occurred during the latter part 
of the eighteenth century. At that time came Jean 
Jacques Rousseau (1712-1776) and the extreme reaction 
from all that had been built up during the centuries pre- 
ceding. Of this complete repudiation of the past and 



of the existing order of society, voiced by the Swiss- 
French philosopher, the most violent and marked symp- 
tom is found in the French revolution. 

The Modern Spirit. This destruction of the entire 
social fabric, while most disastrous and costly at the 
time, was an inevitable result of the unwillingness to re- 
shape society in accordance with changing ideals and 
conditions, and out of the ruins grew a nobler structure. 
The social world must have come to an end, had it 
paused with Rousseau and the French upheaval, but 
through this very demolition was ushered in the spirit 
of the nineteenth century together with modern civiliza- 
tion and progress. Individualism had at length tri- 
umphed and for a time ground authority under its heel, 
but when this extremity had been passed, the problem 
became how to harmonize the individual with society, 
and how to develop personality progressively in keeping 
with its environment. That constituted the task for the 
modern reformers, and is the underlying desideratum for 
which modern society and education have ardently been 

Out of the 
ruins grew 
and the 
effort to har- 
monize the 
with society. 


Abbot, 6 (footnote). 

ABC shooters, 86 (footnote). 

Abelard, 53, 57, 79, 80. 

Academiae, 218. 

Academies, in England, 291, 298; in 

America, 174, 292 f., 298. 
Academy, with Milton, 256, 291, 298 ; 

with Comenius, 278, 282. 
Acquaviva, Claudio, 210, 220. 
Adagia, 151. 

Adams, George Burton, quoted, i, 107. 
Adnotationes, of Valla, 129, 151. 
Adolescentia, of Wimpfeling, 149. 
jEmuli, 218. 
jEneas Sylvius, 130, 131, 132 f., 143 

(footnote), 162. 
Africa, of Petrarch, 116. 
Agricola, 147 f., 149. 
Albertus Magnus, 54, 73. 
Albigenses, 72, 179 (footnote). 
Albrecht V, of Bavaria, 236. 
Alcuin, 28, 29, 30, 32, 33. 
Alexander of Hales, 54, 73. 
Alexandria, 43, 76. 
Alfonso of Naples, 123. 
Alfred, education under, 36 ff. 
Algazzali, 42. 

Alsted, Johann Heinrich, 275. 
Altdorf, university of, 202. 
Alva, duke of, 199, 208. 
A. M. D. G., 221. 
America, education in, 199 f. 
Anabaptists, 184 (footnote). 
Andreae, 275. 

Angelique, Mere, 224 (footnote). 
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, The, 38. 
Anhalt-Kothen. See Kothen. 
Anselm, 51. 
Anthony, 6. 
Antidotarium, 90. 
' Apprentice ' 92, 97. 
Aquinas, Thomas, 54 f., 73. 

Aretino, 120 (footnote). 

Arezzo, university of, 81. 

Aristotle, 18, 20, 41, 42, 115, 263, 264. 

Arithmetic, in pagan course, 15, 18. 

Armenschule, 300 ff. 

Arnauld, 224 (footnote), 226, 227. 

Art, mediaeval, 103. 

Asceticism, in Christianity, 5. 

Ascham, Roger, 164, 166 f., 243. 

Asser, 37. 

Assimilation, key to Middle Ages, 3. 

Astronomy, in pagan course, 15; in 

later course, 17. 
Athanasius, 7. 
Atrium, 273. 

Auctarium, 274 (footnote). 
Augsburg, 161 (footnote), 268; peace 

of, 183 (footnote). 
Augustine, 8 (footnote). 
Augustine. See St. Augustine. 
Augustinians, 8, 181. 
Austin friars, 74. 
Authority, insistence upon, 219. 
Averroes, 43, 45. 
Avicenna, 42, 90. 
Avignon, papal court at, 180. 
Aymeri de Narbonne, 101. 

Bacon, Francis, 94, 254, 255, 263 ff., 

267, 269, 270, 275, 285. 
Bacon, Friar, 90, 94. 
Baeda, 32, 38. 

Balsamentum, 276 (footnote). 
Barbarisms, of Donatus, 89. 
Barbara, 131. 
' Barbarossa,' 82. 
Barlaam, 118. 
Barzizza, 117, 121, 123. 
Basedow, 286. 
Basel, 150. 
Basil, 6, 7. 
Bateus, 273, 275. 




Bee, 13, 31. 

Bembo, 130, 135, 161. 

Benedict, 7, 8, 9, 12. 

Benedict of Aniane, 8. 

Benedict XII, 94- 

Beowulf, Story of, 101. 

Bernard of Clairvaui, 50. 

Berulk-, 222. 

Best Method of Opening an Institution 
of Learning, 159- 

Birmingham, university of, 293. 

Bobbio, 12. 

Boccaccio, 93, 116 ff., 118, 119, 137- 

Bodinus, 275. 

Boethius, 16, 38, 89 ; De Musica, 21. 

Bologna, university of, 78 f ., 81, 82, 150. 

Bonaventura, 50, 54, 73- 

Boniface, 7. 

Bossuet, 221. 

Boston Latin School, 173. 

Bremen, education at, 198. 

Brethren of the Common Lot, 145 ff. 

Brinsley, John, 172. 

Brothers of Sincerity, 42 f . 

Bruni, 120, 131, 132, I33i 143 (foot- 

Brunswick, schools at, 188, 198. 

Budaeus, 143, 166. 

Burgerschule, Francke's, 300 ff . 

Bugenhagen, educational work of, 188 
198, 201. 

Burckhardt, quoted, 113 f. 

Burgher, class, 97 ; schools, 97 ff. 

Cairo, 43. 

Calasanzio, Jose 1 , 229. 

Calderon, 221. 

CaJvin, 143, 191 f., 204, 224; educa- 
tional work of, 192 ff. 

Calvinist education, spread of, 193 f 

Cambrai, 146. f 

Cambridge, university of, 81, 84, 163 f. 
202, 250, 263, 293. 

Canisius, 228. 

Canterbury, 13. 

Canterbury Tales, 102 (footnote). 

Canzoniere, 115. 

Carlstadt, 184 (footnote). 

Carmelites, 74. 

Carthusians, 8. 

Cassian, 7. 

Cassiodorus, 16, 32. 
Cathedral schools, under Charle- 
magne, 30 f. 

atholic education, aim, 235 ; organi- 
zation, 235 f . ; content, 236 ; 
methods, 236 f. ; results, 237. 
lelestine III, 80. 
lessatio, 84 f. 
Chanson de Roland, 64 f., 101. 

hansons de geste, 101. 
Chantry schools, 98, 195. 
harlemagne, 25 ff., 63, 101, 104; edu- 
cation under, 27 ff. 
Charles Gustavus, 277 (footnote). 
Charles V, 183. 
Charles VIII, 142. 
Charterhouse, 173. 
Cheke, Sir John, 164. 
Cheltenham, 173. 

Chivalric education, preparatory stages, 
65 ff. ; knighthood, 67 f .; training of 
women, 68 ; effects of, 68 ff . 
Chivalry, 64 ff. 

Christian Brothers, 228 ff., 236 ; educa- 
tional aim, 229 f . ; organization, 
230; content and methods, 231 f . ; 
results, 232. 
Christian Education, Brief Treatise on, 

Christian Education of Youth, Zwingh's 

treatise, 190 f. 
Christianity, religion of Roman world, 


Christ's Hospital, 173. 
Chrysoloras, Emanuel, 119 ff., 126. 
Cicero, 20, 176. 
Ciceronianism, 130, 136 f., 160 f., 213 f, 

243, 246, 315- 
Ciceronianus, Dialogus, 130 (footnote^ 

136, 151- 
Cistercians, 8. 
Cities, growth of, 96 f. 
Classe, 13. 
Classic Letters, 159. 
Clement XIV, 221 f. 
Clifton, 173. 
Cluny, 8, 13. 

Coadjutores spirituales, 212. 
Code, of Justinian, 90. 
Coenobitic, 6. 
Colberg, 290. 



Lolet, 150, 163, 167 ff., 175. 

College de Guyenne, 144 f. 

College de la Rive, 192, 193. 

College de Montaigu, 146, 149. 

Colleges, 175, 193, 201. 

Colleges, Moorish, 41 ; of the Jesuits, 

211 ff. 

Collegia pietatis, 299. 
Cottoquia, of Corderius, 144, 172, 174, 

192 ; of Erasmus, 150, 151, 158. 
Cologne, university of, 82, 163. 
Columba, 7. 
Comenius, 254, 255, 266, 271 ff., 287, 


Commerce in the Middle Ages, 96. 
Conceptualism, 53. 
Concertatio, 218. 
Condillac, 311. 
Conduct of Schools, 231, 232. 
Conduct of the Understanding, Locke's, 

257, 259, 287, 307 f., 308, 309. 
Consiliarius, 88. 
Constance, Council of, 180. 
Constantinople, taken by Venetians, 45 ; 

taken by Turks, 118. 
Constantinus Africanus, 77. 
Constitutiones, the Jesuit, 210, 212, 213. 
Convent of New Catholics, 234. 
Convictus, 214. 
Copernicus, 94, 262. 
Corbie, 13, 31. 
Corderius, 143 f., 192. 
Cordova, 43, 76. 
Corneille, 221. 
Corporal punishment, 166, 218, 285, 

288 f. 

Corpus Juris Canonici, 79 (footnote). 
Corpus Juris Civilis, 78, 79, 90. 
Corrector, 219. 

Correlation, with Comenius, 285. 
Counter-reformation, 208 (footnote). 
Court, humanistic influences at the, 


Court schools, 123 ; relation to the uni- 
versities, 127 f. 
Croke, Richard, 163. 
Croyland, 10, 13. 
Crusades, 65, 100 f ., 104. 
Crusius, 1 6 1 (footnote). 
Cur Deus Homo, 52 (footnote). 
Czech, 275 (footnote). 

D'Alembert, 311. 

Dante, 93, 114 (footnote). 

D'Arezzo, 120 (footnote). 

'Dark Ages,' 12, 103. 

Decamerone, 102 (footnote), 117. 

Decanus, 88. 

De Civilitate, 151. 

De Copia Verborum, 150. 

Decretum Gratiani, 79, 90. 

Decuriones, 218. 

De Emendatione, 144, 192. 

De Formando Studio, 147 f. 

De Geer, Ludovic, 273* 

Degrees, mediaeval universities, 92 f. 

De Ingenuis Moribus, 121. 

De Liber orum Educations, 130. 

De V Institution du Prince, 143. 

Demia, Charles, 229. 

De Or dine Docendi, 121. 

De Pueris, 151. 

De Ratione, 151. 

Descartes, Re'ne', 222, 224, 262, 311. 

De Studiis et Literis, 120. 

De Tradendis Disciplinis, 166. 

De Utilitate Greece, 148. 

Deventer, 146, 147, 148, 149. 

De Viris Ittustribus, 116. 

Dialectic, in pagan course, 15 ; meaning 
of, 18. 

Dialogues of the Dead, 234. 

Didactica Magna, 273 (footnote), 
274 ff- 

Didacticum, collegium, 276 (footnote), 

Diderot, 221, 311. 

Dietarum Liber, 90. 

Digest, of Justinian, oo. 

Disciplinary theory. See Formal dis- 

Disputationes, 218."" 

Disputation of Pippin, 29. 

' Doctor,' 92, 215. 

Doctor scholasticus, 50. 

Dominicans, 8, 73 ff., 221. 

Donation of Constantine, 1 29. 

Donatus, 20, 89. 

Don Juan of Austria, 221. 

Dorpat, university of, 202. 

Dort, synod of, 199. 

' Double translation,' 166 f. 

Dulwich, 173. 



Duns Scotus, 55. 
Dunstan, 8. 

Eck, 182. 

Education of Children, 247 f. 

Education of Girls, 233 f . 

Edward VI, igs ff., 202. 

Einhard, 29. 

Eisleben, 155, 157, 187, 198. 

Elbing, 273. 

Elegantite Lalince, 135. 

Elementarie, Mulcaster's, 250 B. 

Elementary education, under Charle- 
magne, 31 f. ; under Alfred, 37 f. ; 
under Moslems, 44. 

Elizabeth, queen, 167, 196. 

'Eloquence,' as educational aim, 159. 

Elyot, Sir Thomas, 165, 166. 

Emile, Rousseau's, 259 (footnote). 

Empiricism, 241 (footnote), 262. 

Emulation, in Jesuit education, 217 f. 

Encomium Moria, 151. 

Encyclopedists, 311. 

Epistola, Petrarch's, 116. 

Erasmus, 93, 148, 149 ff., 156, 159, 161, 
163, 166, 168, 170, 171, 243. 

Erfurt, university of, 82, 145, 148, 181, 

Erigena, Joannes Scotus, 34, 49, 51. 

Ernst the Pious, 199, 289. 

Erotemata, 119. 

Essais, Montaigne's, 247. 

Essay concerning the Human Under- 
standing, 305, 309. 

Estiennes, 143. 

Ethics, Aristotle's, 89. 

Eton, 173, 250. 

Eucharist, Zwingli's position on the, 
190, 204. 

Externi, 13, 212. 

Fabliaux, 102. 

Factors in modern civilization, i. 

Faculties, 88. 

' Faculty,' 309, 310. 

Febrium, Liber, oo. 

Federigo da Montefeltro, 123. 

Fe"nelon, Francois, 233 ff., 236. 

Ferrara, 121, 123, 127, 147. 

Ferrieres, 13. 

Feudalism, 63 f ., 100. 

Filelfo, 121, 124 (footnote), 129. 

Fisher, Bishop, 163. 

Fleury, 13. 

Florence, 119, 120, 122, 123, 128, 142, 

150, 162. 
Fontenelle, 13. 
' Formal discipline,' 306 ff. 
Formalism, 135 f., 176, 203 f., 237. 
'Forms,' 265. 
Francis I, 142, 191. 
Franciscans, 8, 72 ff., 222. 
Francke, August Hermann, 286, 300 ff.; 

aim in education, 301 f.; course, 

302 f.; methods, 303 ; influence of, 

303 f- 

Franckesche Stiftungen, 303 f . 

Frankfurt, diet of, 267. 

Franks, 25 ff. 

Frederick I, 79, 82. 

Frederick II, 44, 77. 

Friars, mendicant, 72. 

Froebel, 271, 287. 

Fiirstenschulen, 153 ff., 175, 201, 290. 

Fulda, 10, 13, 31, 33, 34. 

Fust, Johann, 140. 

Galileo, 94, 262. 

Gandersheim, 13. 

Garganlua, 244 ff. 

Gaunilo, 52 (footnote). 

Geert Geerts, 149 (footnote). 

'General,' the Jesuit, 211. 

Geneva, Calvin at, 192 ff. 

Geometry, in pagan course, 15; later, 

'Germanise praeceptor,' 149, 157. 

German universities, classics in, 145. 

Gerson, 55 (footnote). 

Gesta Romanorum, 12. 

Giessen, university of, 267 f., 272. 

Gilds, 92, 97. 

Gild schools, 97 f., 195. 

Giocosa, la casa, 124. 

Glastonbury, 13. 

Gnostics, 5. 

Gottingen, education at, 188; univer- 
sity of, 293. 

Goldberg, 188. 

Goliardi, 86. 

Golias, 86 (footnote). 

Gonzaga, 124. 



Gotha, education at, 198 f. 
Gouv6a, 144. 
Governour, The, 165. 
Grammar, in pagan course, 15 ; mean- 
ing of, 17. 
Grammar schools, in England, 170 ff., 

175, 197 i-> 201, 201; in America, 

173 I- 

Grammaticce Facilioris Prcecepta, 272. 
Granada, 43, 76. 
Gratian, 7Q. 
Gratis accepistis, 213. 
Great Didactic, The. See Didactica 

Greek, in Italy, 117 ff.; at Oxford, 

162 f . ; at Cambridge, 163 f. 
Gregorio of Tiferno, 142. 
Gregory I, the Great, 8 (footnote), 38. 
Gregory IX, 81 f. 
Grimbald, 37. 
Grimma, 155.] 

Grocyn, William, 150, 162, 165, 168. 
Groot, Geert, 146. 
Guarino, Battista, 109 (footnote), 121, 

131, 132, 143 (footnote). 
Guarino da Verona, 120 f., 123, 124, 

126, 128,^131. 
Guericke, 262. 
Gymnasien, 153 ff., 157, 175, 201, 290. 

Babila, Authentic, 82, 83. 

Haileybury, 173. 

Halle, university of, 293, 300. 

Hamburg, schools at, 188. 

'Hardening process,' 252. 

Harold, king of England, 70. 

Harrow, 173. -H 

Hartlib, Samuel, 255 (footnote). 

Hecker, 291, 304. 

Hegius, Alexander, 148. 

Heidelberg, university of, 82} 83^ 145, 

147, 148, 156, 272. 
Helmstadt, university of, 202. 
Henry III, of England, 85. 
Henry VIII, 174, 195 ff., 202, 204. 
Heplameron, 102 (footnote). 
Herbart, 271, 287. 

Herborn, college of, 271 f., 272, 275. 
Hermits, first Christian, 5 f. 
Hermonymus, 142. 
Hersfeld, 13. 

Hessen-Cassel, education at, 198. 
Hessen-Darmstadt, education at, 198. 
Hieronymian schools, 145 ff., 154, 175, 


Hirschau, 13, 31. 
Hobbes, 298 (footnote). 
Holland, school system of, 193, 199 f. 
Holstein, education at, 188, 198, 267. 
Holy Roman Empire, 26. 
Hornbach, 161 (footnote). 
Hughes, quoted, 214 (footnote). 
Humanism, 108 f. ; in Italy, no ff.; 

in North, 140 ff. ; in France, 

141 ff. ; in Teutonic countries, 145 

ff. ; in England, 161 ff. 
Humanistic education, ideals of, 130 ff., 

174 f. ; content, 132 ff., 175 f. ; 

method, 134; organization, 134 f., 

175; results, 135 ff., 176. 
Hume, 311. 

Humphrey, duke of Gloucester, 161. 
Huss, Johann, 93, 180. 

' Idols,' Bacon's, 264. 

// Convito, Dante's, 114 (footnote). 

Iffeld, 189. 

'Induction,' 263 ff., 270, 283 ff., 288. 

' Indulgence,' 182. 

Industrial education, 97. 

Inferiora studia, 212 ff. 

Informatorium Skoly Materske, 275. 

Ingoldstadt, university of, 145, 148. 

'Innate ideas,' 305, 311 (footnote). 

Innocent IV, 100. 

Institutes, of Justinian, 90. 

Isaac Judseus, 90. 

Isidoneus Germanicus, 149. 

Isidore of Seville, 16. 

Jacqueline Pascal, 226, 228, 233. 

Jansenists, 222, 223 ff., 228, 237. 

Janua Lingua Latina Reserata, 27* 

Janua Linguarum Reserata, 272, 273, 

Janua Rerum Reserata, 276. 

Jena, university of, 145, 202, 268. 

Jerome, 7. 

Jesuit education, aim of, 210; organi- 
zation, 210 ff. ; content, 213 ff. ; 
method, 215 ff. ; results, 219 ff. 



Jesuits, 155, 175, 209 ff., 228, 229, 231, 

23S, 236. 

John the Saxon, 38. 
John XXII, 94. 
John XXIII, 94. 
'Journeyman,' 92, 97. 
Juilly, college at, 223. 
Jurisdictio, 63 (footnote). 
'Justification by faith,' 181, 191. 
Justinian's Decree, 4. 
Jus ubique docendi, 84. 

Kepler, 262. 

Klosterschulen, 154. 

'Knowledge,' as educational aim, 151, 

160, 277 f. 

Knox, John, 194, 204. 
Konigsberg, university of, 145, 202. 
Kothen, Ratich at, 268, 269. 
Koran, 40, 44. 

Labyrinthus, 276 (footnote). 

Lamy, 223. 

Lancelot, 226, 227 f. 

Landesschulen, 154 (footnote). 

La Salle, 228 ff. 

Lateinische Hauptschule. See Schola 

Latimer, William, 163. 

' Latin school ' of Comenius, 276, 278, 
281 f. 

Lauingen, 161 (footnote). 

Lausanne, college at, 192. 

Laynez, Diego, 209 (footnote), 210, 214. 

Leach, quoted, 195 (footnote). 

Lecointe, 223. 

Lefevre, 175. 

Leipzig, university of, 145, 163, 300. 

Lelong, 223. 

Leo X, 130, 135. 

Leszno, 272, 274, 275, 276, 277 (foot- 

Letter to Mayors and Aldermen, 184, 
187, 201. 

Liberatura, 69 (footnote). 

Libraries, in monasteries, 10 f. 

Liege, 146, 158. 

Lily, William, 150, 169, 174. 

Linacre, Thomas, 150, 162 f., 165. 

Lisbon, university of, 81. 

Lissa. See Leszno. 

'Little Schools,' 224 ff. 

Liverpool, university of, 293. 

Locke, 246, 249, 252, 254, 256 ff., 262, 

287 ff., 292, 305 ff., 312. 
Lollards, 180, 194 (footnote). 
London, university of, 293. 
Louis VII, 80. 
Louis XII, 142. 
Louis XIV, 227, 290. 
Louvain, 146, 150, 158. 
Loyola, Ignatius, 209 ff. 
Ludus literarius, 172. 
Liibeck, education at, 188. 
Liineburg, 290. 
L'uomo universale, 114. 
Luther, Martin, 93, 156, 175, 181 ff., 

201, 208; religious works of, 183; 

educational works, 183 f. ; theory 

of education, 184 ff. 
Luxembourg, due de, 221. 

McCabe, quoted, 80. 

Magdeburg, 198, 268. 

Maintenon, Madame de, 233, 235, 236. 

Malebranche, 223. 

Malmesbury, 13. 

Manchester, university of, 293. 

Mansfeld, count of, 157, 187. 

Mantua, court school at, 123 ff. 

Manuscripts, in monasteries, 10 ff. 

Marburg, university of, 145, 202. 

Marlborough, 173. 

Mary, queen of England, 193, 196 (foot- 

Mary, queen of Scots, 193, 208. 

Mascaron, 223. 

Massachusetts, educational act of 1647, 
174, 200. 

Massiilon, 223. 

' Master,' 92, 97. 

' Master-universities,' 81. 

Mechlin, 146. 

Mecklenburg, education at, 198. 

Medicean library, 122 (footnote). 

Medici, Cosimo de', 1 19, 122 ; Lorenz* 
de', 122 f. 

Meissen, 155. 

Melanchthon, 155, 157, 175, 187, 189, 
192, 198, 204, 243. 

Meminger, 161 (footnote). 

Memorizing, 216, 237. 



Merchant Taylors', 98, 173, 250. 
Methodus Linguarum Novissima, 273 

Middle Ages, as period of assimilation, 

i f . ; as period of repression, 2 f ., 


Milan, 142. 

Milton, John, 246, 252, 254 ff., 257, 
259, 298 f. 

Minden, education at, 188. 

Minnesingers, 65, 102. 

Monasteries, 6 ; effect of, 9; manu- 
scripts jn, 10 ff . ; original writings 
in, 12. 

Monastic education, organization of, 
12; ideals, 13; content, 14 ff . ; 
methods, 19 ff. ; results of, 21 ff. ; 
under Charlemagne, 30 f., 32. 

Monasticism, rise of, 4 ; coenobitic, 6 f . ; 
in West, 6 f. ; effects of, 21 ff. 

'Monitor,' the Jesuit, 211. 

Monologion, Anselm's, 51. 

Montaigne, 246 ff., 250, 251, 252, 255, 
257, 258, 259, 287. 

Montanists, 5. 

Monte Cassino, 12. 

Montesquieu, 311. 

MontpeHer, university of, 82. 

'Morality,' as educational aim, 151, 
277 f. 

Moravian Brethren, 271, 277 (foot- 
note), 279. 

More, Sir Thomas, 150, 162, 164. 

Moritz, duke of Saxony, 154. 

Moslem schools, 40 ff . 

'Mother? School.' See School of In- 

Mulcaster, Richard, 246, 250 ff., 254, 

Music, in pagan course, 15 ; later, 19. 

Mysticism, nature and rise of, 47 f . ; ed- 
ucation in, 49 ; development of, 49. 

Nantes, edict of, 235. 
Naples, 142; university of, 78, 81. 
Nassau, 271. 

National spirit, growth of, too f . 
'Nationes,' 87. 

Nature, method of, 263 ff., 270, 282. 
Neander, educational work of, 189, 201, 

Nestorius, 41, 

New Atlantis, The, 265. 

Newton, Isaac, 293. 

Niccolo de' Niccoli, 119 f. 

Niccolo d' Este, 123. 

Nicholas V, 120, 129 f., 135. 

Nicolaus of Salerno, 90. 

Nicolaus Syocerus, 118 (footnote). 

Nicole, 226, 228. 

Niebelungenlied, 102. 

Nivnitz, 271. 

Nominalism, scholastic, 52 f. 

Northumbria, 8. 

Notre Dame, cathedral school at, 80. 

Novalese, 10. 

Novum Organum, 263 ff., 267. 

Nuremberg, 157. 

Oblati, 13. 
Odofredus, 91. 
Oratorians, 222 ff., 235, 236. 
Orbis Pictus, 274, 286, 287. 
Organon, Aristotle's, 89, 263. 
Orleans, 31. 

Osnabriick, education at, 188. 
Oxenstiern, 268. 

Oxford, university of, 81, 84 .,'162 f., 
202, 250, 293. 

Pachomius, 6, 7. 

Padua, 131, 150; university of, 81. 

Padagogium, 301, 302, 303, 304. 

' Page,' stage of feudal education, 66. 

Faulting, during the Renaissance, 108 

Palace school, 28 ff. 
Palatium, 273 (footnote), 274. 
Palencia, university of, 81. 
Pandects, of Justinian, 78 (footnote). 
Pansophia, 265 f., 276 f., 280, 284. 
Pansophictz Schola Delineatio, 276. 
Pantagruel, 244 ff. 
Paradisus Animi, 276 (footnote). 
Paris, university of, 80 f ., 84, 85, 87, 

89, 94, 142, 146, 158. 
Parish schools under Charlemagne, 30^ 


Parsifal, 102. 
Pascal, 226, 227. 
Patak, 273, 274, 276, 282. 
Patrocinium, 63 (footnote). 



Pad, founder of hermit life, 6. 

Paul the Deacon, 28. 

Paul III, pope, 209. 

Pavia, 128, 147. 

Pedantry, Montaigne's, 247. 

Pensees, Pascal's, 227. 

Pestalozzi, 271, 287. 

Peter of Pisa, 28, 30. 

Peter the Lombard, 57, 80, go. 

Petrarch, 93, 114 ff., 137. 

Pforta, 155. 

Philip Augustus, 80, 83. 

Philip H, 208. 

Philip VI, 94. 

Philo, 48 (footnote). 

' Phonetic ' method, 226. 

Piarists, 222, 228 f. 

Pietas literata, 192. 

Pietists, 222, 290, 293, 298, 299 f., 

'Piety,' as educational aim, 151, 159, 

277 f- 
Pilato, 1 1 8. 
Pisa, Council of, 180. 
Pius II, 121, 129 f. 
Pius VII, 222. 
Platina, quoted, 127. 
'Pleasant House,' 124 f., 127. 
Plotinus, 48. 
Poetics, Aristotle's, 89. 
Poggio, 121, 124 (footnote), 129. 
Politics, Aristotle's, 89. 
Pomerania, education in, 188 f. 
Pomposa, 12. 
Porcia, 131. 

Port Royal Grammar, 226. 
Port Royalist education, aim, 223 f . ; 

organization, 224; content, 225 f.; 

method, 226; results, 227 f. 
Port Royal Logic, 226. 
Positions, Mulcaster's, 250 ff . 
Praecarium, 63 (footnote). 
Praelectio, 216. 
Prague, university of, 82. 
' Preceptor,' the Jesuit, 211. 
Predestination, 192. 
' Prefect,' the Jesuit, 211. 
Priscian, 20, 89. 
Professi, 212 f. 

'Professor,' the Jesuit, 92, 211. 
Proslogion, 52 (footnote). 

Protestant education, aim, 197; on 
ganization, content, and method, 
197 ff. ; effect of, 203 ff. 

Provincial Letters, 227. 

'Provincial,' the Jesuit, 211. 

Pseudo-Dionysius, 48 f., 162, 168. 

Ptolemy, 18, 21. 

'Public,' schools in England, 172 f., 
291, 310. 

Puritan education, 196 f., 298. 

Puritans, 297, 298 ff., 305, 316. 

Quadrivialia, 89. 
Quintilian, 20, 176. 

Rabanus Maurus, 33 f. 

Rabelais, 243 ff., 248, 254. 

Raoul de Cambrai, 64 f., 101. 

Rashdall, quoted, 3, 79. 

Ratich, 254, 266, 268 ff., 272, 275, 287. 

Rationalism, 262, 298, 305 ff., 316. 

Ratio Studiorum, 210, 219, 231. 

Raymund of Toledo, 44. 

Realgymnasium, 304. 

Realism, 240, 316; relation to the Re- 
naissance, 240 ; nature of, 240 f . ; 
verbal and social, 242 ff. ; effect 
of earlier, 259 ff. See also Sense 

Realism, scholastic, 52, 257 (footnote). 

Realists, the earlier, 242 ff. 

Realschulen, 303, 304. 

'Rector,' 88, 211. 

Reformation, 107, 315 f. ; causes of, 
179 ff. ; Luther's revolt, 181 ff. ; 
Zwingli's revolt, 189 ff. ; Calvin's 
revolt, 191 ff. ; Henry VIII's re- 
volt, 194 ff. 

Regulation of Studies, 227. 

Reichenau, 13. 

Renaissance, 105, 107, 260, 315. 

Renan, quoted, 44. 

Repetitio mater studiorum, 217. 

Repression, key to Middle Ages/3. 

Reuchlin, 147 f., 155. 

Reviews, in Jesuit education, 217. 

Revival of Learning, 107 f. 

Reyher, Andreas, 289. 

Rheims, 230. 

Rhetoric, Aristotle's, 89. 



Rhetoric, in pagan course, 15 ; mean- 
ing of, 1 8. 

Richard the Lionhearted, 70. 

Richelieu, 221. 

Ritterakademien, 290, 291. 

Ritwyse, John, 169. 

Robert of Normandy, 77. 

Rollin, Charles, 228. 

Rome, university of, 128, 150. 

Rosarium, 276 (footnote). 

Roscellinus, 52, 80. 

Rossall, 173. 

Rossleben, 175. 

Rostock, university of, 267. 

Rousseau, 248, 249, 259 (footnote), 
286, 316 f. 

Rugby, 173. 

Rule, of Benedict, 9; of St. Francis, 72. 

Rupert I, 83. 

St. Albans, 13. 

St. Augustine, 7, 16, 32. 

St. Bartholomew's Day, 208. 

St. Bruno, 8. 

St. Charles, Brethren of, 229. 

St. Cyran, 224, 225. 

St. Gall, 10, 13. 

St. Maur, 7. 

St. Paul's School, 150, 168 ff . ; 173, 
196, 250. 

St. Victor, Hugo and Richard of, 50. 

St. Yon, 230. 

Salamanca, university of, 81, 209. 

Salerno, university of, 77, 81. 

Sapientite Palatium. See Pdatium. 

Saros-Patak. See Patak. 

Saxony, the elector of, 157. 

Schenck, 161 (footnote). 

Schlettstadt, 148. 

ScholcE Pansophicce Delineatio, 273 (foot- 
note), 276. 

Schola Latina, 301, 303, 304. 

Schola Ludus, 274. 

Schola Materni Gremii, 278 (footnote). 

Scholares vagantes, 86 (footnote). 

Schola Scholarum, 280. 

Scholastici, 212. 

Scholasticism, character of, 50 f. ; his- 
tory of, 50 ff . ; tendency of, 56 f . ; 
organization and content, 56 f. ; 
method, 57 f. ; influences, 58 ff. 

Scholemaster, The, 164, 166 f. 

Schoolmen, 50. 

School of Infancy, The, 275 (footnote). 

Sckulmethodus, Reyher's, 289. 

Schulplan, Melanchthon's, 157. 

Schulvisitant, Melanchthon as, 157. 

Schwartzerd, 155 (footnote). 

Scotland, parish schools of, 194, 200. 

Scriptorium, n. 

Seminarium Praeceptorum, 301, 304. 

Semler, 291, 301, 304. 

Sense realism, development of, 262 ff. ; 
representatives of, 263 ff . ; in ele- 
mentary education, 289 ; in second- 
ary schools, 289 ff. ; in universities, 
293 f. 

SenienfitB, Peter the Lombard's, 57, 

Sermon on Sending Children to School, 
184, 187. 

Servetus, 204. 

Seven Liberal Arts, 15, 16. 

Sevigne", Madame de, 233, 235. 

Seville, 43, 76. 

Shrewsbury, 173. 

Sic et Non, Abelard's, 57, 79. 

Silius Italicus, 117. 

Silva, pansophic collection, 277. 

'Simultaneous' method, 231. 

Smith, Sir Thomas, 164. 

Society of Jesus, 209 ff . 

Soest, education at, 188. 

' Solomon's House,' 265 f. 

Song of the Open Road, 86. 

Spener, Philipp Jakob, 299. 

'Squire,' stage of feudal education, 
66 f. 

Stockholm, 268. 

Strasburg, 155, 158, 187, 202. 

Stuart kings, 196. 

Sturm, Johann, 155, 158 ff., 166, 187, 
192, 201, 213. 

Summa Theologies, of Aquinas, 55, 57. 

Sunday Sermons, 160. 

Superiora studia, 212 ff. 

Suppression of monasteries, 195 f. 

Suzerains, 63. 

Sweden, Ratich called to, 268 ; Come- 
nius at, 273. 

Switzerland, education in, 192 f. 

Symbolum Apostolicum, 129. 



Tabennae, island in Nile, 6. 

Tabula rasa, 306 (footnote), 311. 

Tasso, 221. 

Telemaque, 234. 

Tetzel, 182. 

Theodulf, 32, 33. 

Therapeutae, 5. 

Thesaurus, 273 (footnote). 

Thirty Years' War, 199, 209, 290. 

Thoughts concerning Education, Locke's, 
257, 259, 287, 292, 306 f ., 308, 309. 

Tilly, 221. 

Tochterschule hohere, 301, 303. 

Toledo, 43; archbishop of, 32 (foot- 
note), 44. 

Topics, of Boethius, 89. 

Toul, 13. 

Toulouse, university of, 81. 

Tours, 13, 31. 

Tractate of Education, Milton's, 254 ff ., 
291, 298 f. 

Trasbach, 161 (footnote). 

Trent, Council of, 208. 

'Trojans,' party of, 164 (footnote). 

Trotzendorf, educational work of, 188. 

Troubadours, 65, 102. 

Trouveres, 101. 

Tubingen, university of, 145, 148, 156. 

Tyrants, as humanists, 121 ff. 

' Universitas,' 87. 

Universities, mediaeval, rise of, 76; 
history, 77 ff . ; privileges, 82 ff . ; 
organization, 86 ff. ; courses of 
study, 88 ff . ; methods, 90 ff . ; de- 
grees, 92 f . ; effect, 93 f. 

Urbino, duke of, 123. 

Utopia, 165. 

Vagantes, 86. 

Valenciennes, 146. 

Valla, 129, 135. 

Valladolid, university of, 81. 

Vegio, 131. 

Venetians, take Constantinople, 45. 

Venice, 123, 150. 

Vergerius, 121, 123, 131, 132, 134. 

Vergil, 18. 

Vernacula ScholcR Delineatio, 276 (foot- 

'Vernacular school,' of Comenius, 276, 
278 f., 281. 

Verona, 123. 

Vestibulum, 273. 

Vienna, university of, 82, 145, 290. 

Violarium, 276 (footnote). 

Viridarium, 276 (footnote). 

Visconti, 122, 123, 142. 

Vittorino da Feltre, 120, 123 fl., 131, 

132, 134. 
Vives, 1 66, 275. 
Volksschulen, rise of, 199. 
Voltaire, 311 f. 
Von Hutten, 184 (footnote). 
Von Sickingen, 184 (footnote). 
Vorschule, 304. 
Vulgate, 129. 

Waisenanstalt, 301. 

Waldenses, 72, 179. 

' Wandering students,' 85 . 

Warham, Archbishop, 165. 

Wartburg, 183. 

Wearmouth, 8, 13. 

Weimar, education at, 198 ; duchess of, 

268, 289. 
Wellington, 173. 
Wessel, 147. 
Westminster, 173. 
William of Champeaux, 80. 
William of Normandy, 70. 
William of Occam, 55, 73. 
Wilster, 267. 
Wimpfeling, 148 f., 150. 
Winchester, 173. 
Wissenbourg, 13. 

Wittenberg, university of, 145, 156, 182. 
Wolfenbiittel, education at, 290. 
Wolfram von Eschenbach, 102. 
Wolsey, Cardinal, 164. 
Worms, 147 ; diet of, 183. 
Wurtemberg, school system of, 161, 198. 
Wyclif, John, 93, 182. 

Xavier, Francis, 209 (footnote). 

Yarrow, 8, 13. 
York, 13, 28. 

Zurich, 190. 

Zwingli, 189 ff., 204; theory of edu- 
cation, 100 ff. 
Zwolle, 146, 147. 

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